أمة متدينة

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نحتل المركز الأول على العالم في البحث عن كلمة SEX في جوجل

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكن نسبة التحرش الجنسي لدينا هي الأعلى على مستوى العالم

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نُكفِّر كل من يخالفنا الرأي متناسين حرمة التكفير في ديننا
...
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا عندما نشتم بعضنا البعض نسب الرب ولا ننسى المحصنات

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا لا نعتبر المرأة إلا أداة للمتعة والانجاب

نحن أمة متدينة .. ننظر للغرب على أنهم كفار ولكن في نفس الوقت نتسابق على أبواب السفارات للهجرة

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا ننظر لأي امرأة تتزوج من شاب أصغر على أنها لعوب واستغلالية .

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا نخشى العباد .. أكثر من خشيتنا لرب العباد !!!!

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا لسنا أمة مؤمنة

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A Shameful Neglect

 Afghanistan's iniquities are grotesque. At Kabul University last week, zealots -- all men -- protested a law that would abolish child marriage, forced marriage, marital rape, and the odious practice, called ba'ad, of giving girls away to settle offenses or debts. Meanwhile, in jails all over the country, 600 women, the highest number since the fall of the Taliban, await trial on charges of such moral transgressions as having been raped or running away from abusive homes. 

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It is tempting to wring our hands at such obscene bigotry, to pity Afghanistan's women and vilify its men. Instead, we must look squarely at our own complicity in the shameful circumstances of Afghan women, billions of international aid dollars and 12 years after U.S. warplanes first bombed their ill-starred land.

I have been traveling to Afghanistan since 2001, mostly to its hardscrabble hinterland, where the majority of Afghans live. Over the years, I have cooked rice and traded jewelry with Afghan women, cradled their anemic children, and fallen asleep under communal blankets in their cramped mud-brick homes. I have seen firsthand that the aid we give ostensibly to improve their lives almost never makes it to these women. Today, just as 12 years ago, most of them still have no clean drinking water, sanitation, or electricity; the nearest clinic is still often a half day's walk away, and the only readily available palliative is opium. Afghan mothers still watch their infants die at the highest rate in the world, mostly of waterborne diseases such as bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis, and typhoid.

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Instead of fixing women's lives, our humanitarian aid subsidizes Afghanistan's kleptocrats, erects miniature Versailles in Kabul and Dubai for the families of the elite, and buys the loyalty of sectarian warlords-turned-politicians, some of whom are implicated in sectarian war crimes that include rape. Yet, for the most part, the U.S. taxpayers look the other way as the country's amoral government steals or hands out as political kickbacks the money that was meant to help Afghan women -- all in the name of containing what we consider the greater evil, the Taliban insurgency. In other words, we have made a trade-off. We have joined a kind of a collective ba'ad, a political deal for which the Afghan women are the price.

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To be sure, a lot of well-meaning Westerners and courageous Afghans have worked very hard to improve women's conditions, and there has been some headway as far as women's rights are concerned. The number of girls signed up for school rose from just 5,000 before the U.S.-led invasion to 2.2 million. In Kabul and a handful of other cities, some women have swapped their polyester burqas for headscarves. Some even have taken jobs outside their homes. But here, too, progress has been uneven. A fifth of the girls enrolled in school never attend classes, and most of the rest drop out after fourth grade. Few Afghan parents prioritize education for their daughters because few Afghan women participate in the country's feudal economy, and because Afghan society, by and large, does not welcome education for girls or emancipation of women. To get an idea about what the general Afghan public thinks of emancipation, consider this: the post-2001 neologism "khanum free" -- "free woman," with the adjective transliterated from the English -- means "a loose woman," "a prostitute." In villages, women almost never appear barefaced in front of strangers.

Doffing their burqas is the least of these women's worry. Their real problem is the intangible and seemingly irremovable shroud of endless violence. It stunts infrastructure and perpetuates insecurity and fear. It deprives women of the basic human rights we take for granted: to have enough food and drinking water that doesn't fester with disease; to see all of their children live past the age of five. The absence of basic necessities and the violence that has concussed Afghanistan almost continuously since the beginning of recorded history are the main reasons the country has the fifth-lowest life expectancy in the world. The war Westerners often claim to be fighting in the name of Afghan women instead helps prolong their hardship -- with little or no compensation. And now, as the deadline for the international troop pullout approaches, the country is spinning toward a full-blown civil war. A handful of hardline men shouting slogans at Kabul University fades in comparison.

How to help Afghan women? The road to their wellbeing begins with food security, health care that works, and a government that protects them against sectarian violence. Right now, none of these exist. I wish I could offer an adequate solution to the tragic circumstances of the women of Afghanistan's back-of-beyond. There does not appear to be one. Hurling yet more aid dollars into a intemperate funnel that will never reach their villages is not the answer: there is little reason to believe that we can count that such funding would be spent on creating enough mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages; build roads that would allow the women and their families easy access to market; facilitate sanitation projects that would curb major waterborne diseases. The impending troop withdrawal means that women's security will likely go from bad to worse.

Is it possible to ensure that some of the funding we now hand to Karzai and Co. -- an estimated $15.7 billion in 2010-2011, according to the CIA (and that's not counting the infamous ghost money) -- is distributed among the small non-profits that actually are trying to make life in Afghanistan livable, organizations that create mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages, build roads that allow villagers easier access to market, facilitate sanitation projects that curb major waterborne diseases? This could be a start, but only if these organizations continue to work in Afghanistan after NATO troops leave. That, too, is in question now: this week an attack against the International Committee for Red Cross led the organization to suspend its operations in the country for the first time in almost 30 years. But wringing our hands at Afghan women's abysmal state and shaky social status is not a way out. It is a navel-gazing conversation that avoids looking squarely at our role in perpetuating the very dire condition we condemn

#Egypt withdraws annual financial support for Jewish community

Egypt has revoked annual grants of LE100,000 (US$14,000) allocated by former President Hosni Mubarak to the Jewish community in the country, an Egyptian cabinet official said Wednesday.

Mubarak supported the Jewish community through a confidential measure in the budget, head of the central department for financial and administrative affairs Soad Mekky said during a meeting for the Shura Council's Human Rights committee on the state budget, as reported by Anadolu Turkish news agency.  Mubarak secretly allotted the sum to the Jewish community starting in 1988, she added.

The annual grant was apportioned to the Jewish community from 1988 to 2012, Mekki said. The grant was suspended in 2003 under former Minister of Social Affairs Amina al-Gendy, but was later reinstated upon her request 

.

Egypt had a flourishing Jewish community of more than 50,000 in the first half of the 20th century. Some say that there are now less than 200 Egyptian Jews still living in the country.
 

Saudi Arabia executes 5 Yemenis in Jizan, displays bodies in public

 

Saudi Arabia executed five Yemenis  on Tuesday and displayed their bodies in public for killing a Saudi national and forming a gang that committed robberies across several towns in the kingdom, the interior ministry said.

The five were executed in the south western town of Jizan, bringing the number of people executed in the kingdom this year to 46, according to  AFP stats. The five men in the above picture are seen hanging from a rope tied to their waists on a horizontal bar between two cranes. It is uncertain whether  they were beheaded or shot.

The ministry said that Khaled, Adel ,Qasim Saraa , Saif Ali Al Sahari and Khaled Showie Al Sahari had formed a gang which committed “several crimes in various regions in the kingdom and robbed stores.”

The Ministry added that the five had killed Ahmad Haroubi, a Saudi, by beating him up and strangling him.

Under Saudi Arabia’s strict version of Sharia law, rape, murder, apostasy, armed robbery and drug trafficking are all punishable by death.

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The number of people executed in Saudi Arabia this year reached 46, according to news agency AFP.

Saudi Arabia’s interior ministry said that Khaled, Adel and Qassem Saraa, Saif Ali al-Sahari and Khaled Showie al-Sahari had formed a gang which committed “several crimes in various regions in the kingdom and robbed stores”.

The gang had killed Ahmed Haroubi, a Saudi, by beating him up and strangling him, the ministry said.

Murder, apostasy, armed robbery, rape as well as drug trafficking are all punishable by death under Saudi Arabia’s strict version of sharia, or Islamic law.

The death penalty in the world. Map by euronews

Domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

 domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

Saudi Arabia, a country not exactly known for progressive attitudes toward women, has launched its first major campaign against domestic violence  — its latest effort to embrace, at least superficially, some women’s rights reforms.

The ads in the “No More Abuse” campaign show a woman in a dark veil with one black eye. The English version reads “some things can’t be covered.” The Arabic version, according to Foreign Policy‘s David Kenner, translates roughly as “the tip of the iceberg.” A Web site for the campaign includes a report on reducing domestic violence and emergency resources for victims.

Exact figures on domestic violence are hard to come by. The State Department’s most recent human rights report cites estimates that 16 to 50 percent of Saudi wives suffer some kind of spousal abuse. Saudi law does not criminalize domestic violence or spousal rape, and social repercussions can make reporting violence of any kind difficult. Both rape and domestic violence “may be seriously underreported,” according to the State Department report.

The Saudi government has begun to address the problem, at least in name. In 2008, a prime ministerial decree ordered the expansion of “social protection units,” its version of women’s shelters, in several large cities, and ordered the government to draft a national strategy to deal with domestic violence, according to the United Nations. Several royal foundations, including the King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue and the King Khalid Foundation, have also led education and awareness efforts.

None of this changes the fact, of course, that Saudi Arabia remains an often difficult place to be a woman. The World Economic Forum ranks the country 131st out of 135 for its record on women’s rights, citing a total lack of political and economic empowerment.

The country has a strong record on women’s health and education, however: On metrics such as enrollment in higher education, Saudi Arabia actually scores well above the global average.

Some of those well-educated women are leading the fight against domestic violence now. Maha Almuneef, a pediatrician, directs the National Family Safety Program, an anti-violence effort that has also benefited from the patronage of Saudi Arabia’s Princess Adela.

“Reporting violence and abuse should be compulsory, and there should be a witness protection program,” Adela said at a 2009 conference on ending the country’s domestic abus

Arab Spring Time in Saudi Cyberspace

Not more than two years ago, the concept of reform in Saudi Arabia would have been as much an oxymoron as business ethics or airline cuisine. In recent months, however, the Arab Spring’s uncertain winds of change have finally begun to sweep into the world’s last forbidden kingdom. Finding themselves alone in a crowd (of revolution) in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia’s monarchs are quickly realizing that their secret police and petrodollars may be no match for their citizens’ technology-driven empowerment.

On March 1, Saudi security forces cracked down on a woman-led protest in the city of Buraidah, known as the nerve center of Saudi Arabia’s ultraconservative Wahabbist ideology. Over 160 people, mostly women and children, were arrested after erecting a tent camp to pressure the government to free their imprisoned husbands whom they claim have been detained for years without visitation or access to legal counsel. The Saudi government claims that the detainees are part of a “deviant group,” a term given to suspected Al Qaeda sympathizers or Islamist political opposition groups across the Gulf.

News of the arrests spread like wildfire. Protests in support of the Buraidah women were called for by activists from the Shiite minority in the Eastern Province and liberal reformists in Riyadh and Jidda. The mobilization of Saudi conservatives, liberals and minorities against the government’s repressive policies bore a dangerous resemblance to the red-green alliances that toppled governments from Cairo to Tunis. While turnout at the demonstrations was limited due to the government’s ban on political gatherings, the Saudi Twittersphere was teeming with anger.

Two weeks later, the government-sponsored Arab News daily published a cover story condemning what it deemed “abusive” actions by Saudi Twitter users. The story mentioned that the authorities were mulling over a plan to link Twitter accounts with their users’ identification numbers. Soon after, the story was pulled from the online version of the newspaper without explanation.

For one of the most Internet-privy societies on the planet, any move to link Twitter accounts with personal ID numbers would result in a mass exodus to other online forums that are not monitored. Saudi Arabia ranks number one in the world for Twitter users per-capita, with an estimated 51 percent of all Saudi Internet users maintaining an account with the social media network. Analysts suggest that any such move would result in a 60 percent reduction of Twitter usage in the country — a true window onto how many Saudis are voicing dissent against their government.

Still, on March 31, the Saudi Communications and Information Technology Commission instructed Skype, WhatsApp and Viber to comply with local regulations or risk being shut down. These applications are Internet-based communications services that are both free of charge and not subject to the kingdom’s telecommunications regulations.

The Saudi government has a strong interest in limiting social media and online communications services. Protests are being increasingly organized through use of the WhatsApp messaging application. Political dissidents are able to use Skype to communicate with human rights organizations and foreign media networks without fear of government monitoring. Some government employees and those with ties to the royal family have begun to exploit Twitter to disseminate information regarding corruption in the kingdom.

The Saudi government is, however, becoming increasingly hesitant about limiting social media and other communications because of the potential for a political backlash. Freedom of speech and communication were a hallmark demand of popular uprisings elsewhere in the Arab world, with attempts to cut online activity serving to fuel discontent rather than mitigate unrest. Saudi Arabia is already a favorite target for civil rights activists across the globe, and a ban on social media would only add to a long list of reasons for further divestment and isolation campaigns.

As an alternative, the Saudi government has begun encouraging loyalists to condemn and pursue those suspected of online dissent rather than close the outlets altogether. In recent weeks, a Shura Council member filed a lawsuit against a critical Twitter user, while the government-appointed imam of the Grand Mosque in Mecca dedicated his Friday sermon on April 5 to condemning the social network, calling it a “threat to national unity.”

As the government remains confounded by its inability to control online dissent, there is no doubt that the rising tide of anger across Saudi cyberspace has begun to spill over into physical reality. Unwillingly, the government has been forced to wrestle with undertaking previously unimaginable reforms with regard to women’s rights and employment opportunities for millions of young, educated citizens. With social media as their vehicle, Saudis are threatening to take control of their country’s destiny for the first time in history, and there may be nothing their government can do about it.

By DANIEL NISMAN

سقوط الدولة المصرية: غياب قواعد اللعبة السياسية

من ساعة 25 يناير 2011 لم أرى أي فصيل سياسي في مصر يتحدث عن وضع قواد أساسية و واضحة و بسيطة تكون أساس إعادة بناء النظام السياسي في مصر.

 

القواعد دي غير تقديمها، كان لازم يبقى عليها إجماع... تكون مجموعة مبادئ لا يتنازع عليها أي فصيل سياسي: ليبرالي، إسلامي/ديني، يساري، إلخ

من الأمثلة في التاريخ هو إعلان الإستقلال الأمريكي. كان إعلان إستقلال لكنه كان إعلان مبادئ. الإعلان كان لا يزيد على صفحة وحدة.

الوقت بين إعلان الإستقلال لحد وضع الدستور الأمريكي كان 11 سنة!في هذه الأثناء كان إعلان الإستقلال ومبادئه هم قواعد اللعبة السياسية في امريكا.

الليبرالية لايمكنها تقديم أي حلول لولم يكن هناك قواعد واضحة حتى وإن كانت أقل من المستوى لئن اللمنهج الليبرالي يعتمد على البناء و التصحيح.

 

 

 

 

لكن مصر في السنتين إلي فاتوا و بالذات الفترة الأخيرة تفتقد لأي معالم واضحة و مطبقة تعطي ضمانات و تطمينات لكل الأطراف السياسية.

 

 

و الأسباب معروفة... فالإخوان تغطرسوا و ابعدوا الأخر و شكلوا قواعد اللعبة و غيروها على أهوائهم كما تطورت الأحداث.

 

هم كدة فاكرين انهم على طريق النجاح... لكن اللي مش فهمينه إنه لا يمكنهم تحقيق حتى اهدافهم الضيقة من غير قواعد واضحة مطبقة بحياد على الجميع.

 

و عشان كدة اسلوبهم و منهجهم لن يخلق إلا نظام مهلهل ساقط كالوضع في باكستان.

 

ما يحدث في مصر هو انها ما بقتش دولة قانون... لكنها دولة ساقطة... Failed State... أو على طريقها لذلك.

 

Brides Bought, Sold and Resold

With millions more men than women in India,  many wonder about the state of bachelorhood in India.

There have been arguments that this “shortage” of women [as if women are a commercial resource] would force the ‘gender’ ratio to fix itself! But that doesn’t seem to be the case.

The gender ratio keeps plummeting, and you don’t have communities going into panic saying “We need to find a woman for sex and reproduction!!”   Why is this economic/ “women as commodity” theory not working out the way it was assumed it would?

Perhaps because Indian men indeed view women as “commodity!”  And since there is a shortage of “female commodity” the users have found other methods of procuring women! They are now BUYING, SELLING, AND RECYCLING! It is another response to “commodity shortage”, and is essentially the Indian version of DOMESTIC SEX-TRAFFICKING.   This is a practice in India that is as old as female gendercide, and there are reports that it existed even as early as the 1900s.  Only now, with plummeting gender ratios, the practice is out in the open and increasing rapidly.  It is often referred to as ‘BRIDE-TRAFFICKING.’

Much of this sex-trafficking is in the guise of ‘marriage.’   Each family, community and people involved call it a ‘marriage.’  The girl or woman is sold as a ‘bride’ to a man.  She may be married to one man in a family but is used for sex and reproduction by the other men within the same family.  She is then re-sold again as a ‘bride’ to another family.  Some women are sold and resold up to four times, and there are indications that there are thousands of such ‘brides’ being trafficked in the name of ‘marriage.’ Most of these girls are 15 years or younger and often kidnapped and sold into “bride-trafficking”.

Government officials explain their lack of action against this form of sex-trafficking with, “”If they are legally wedded, what can we do.”

However, from many rural areas, families will often sell their daughters to a commercial “agent” for as little as U.K. £15

There is one report of a man beheading his “bought” wife for refusing to sleep with his brothers.

Munni who was forced to have sex with her husbands brothers, has had three sons from them.  It is interesting that all her children are boys, no girls.   It is believed that there may be many more women like Munni in the region. Here is Munni’s story in her words:

“My husband and his parents

said I had to share myself with his brothers…

They took me whenever they wanted – day or night.

When I resisted, they beat me with

anything at hand…Sometimes they threw me

out and made me sleep outside or they poured kerosene over

me and burned me.”



ABOUT THE PHOTOGRAPHERS: Claire Pismont and Delphines are members of The 50 Million Missing Campaign’s Photographers Group on Flickr.   supported by more than 2400 photographers from around the world.   To see more of each of their works, please click on the pictures.

how horrible !!!!! Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in #Egypt in the daytime

how horrible !!!!! Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in #Egypt in the daytime

Proud Muslims raping Coptic Christians in Egypt in the daytime from semo on Vimeo.

#Burma : Satellite Images Detail Destruction in Meiktila

Burma: Satellite Images Detail Destruction in Meiktila

 

 

 The Burmese government should thoroughly investigate and hold accountable those who incited and committed deadly violence in Meiktila in central Burma from March 20 to 22, 2013. Decisive government action to combat impunity, end discrimination, and promote tolerance among religious groups is needed to end the tide of attacks against Muslim communities.

An estimated 40 people were killed and 61 wounded in the clashes between Muslims and majority Buddhists in Meiktila in the Mandalay Region. Satellite images analysed by Human Rights Watch show the scale of the destruction: an estimated 828 buildings, the vast majority residences, were totally destroyed and at least 35 other buildings were partially destroyed. Areas with near total destruction were concentrated within three locations in Meiktila measuring more than 24 hectares in total area west and northeast of the city’s main market. The destruction appears similar to satellite imagery of towns affected by sectarian violence in Arakan State in 2012, in which arson attacks left large, clearly defined residential areas in ashes.

“The government should investigate responsibility for the violence in Meiktila and the failure of the police to stop wanton killings and the burning of entire neighborhoods,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “Burma’s government should have learned the lessons of recent sectarian clashes in Arakan State and moved quickly to bolster the capacity of the police to contain violence and protect lives and property.”


Meiktila (Main Damage Area 1)
442 likely residential buildings destroyed or severely damaged.
Move the slider to compare images from before and after the violence.

Meiktila (Main Damage Area 2)
345 likely residential and commercial buildings destroyed and severely damaged
Move the slider to compare images from before and after the violence.

According to a needs assessment released by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of HumanitarianAffairs (OCHA), over 12,000 people were displaced by the violence in Meiktila and are in shelters around the town.
Since the Meiktila violence, attacks against Muslims have occurred elsewhere in central Burma, including Okpho, Gyobingauk, and Minhla townships of Pegu region. Soldiers reportedly fired warning shots in the air to disperse protesters in Pegu, and an estimated nine townships in Burma are under emergency provisions or curfew, limiting public assembly.
The spread of anti-Islamic sentiment and religious intolerance is a serious challenge to the rights of Muslims in Burma. Some well-known members of the Buddhist monkhood, or Sangha, have given sermons and distributed anti-Muslim tracts and directives that call on Buddhist residents to boycott Muslim businesses and shun contact with Muslim communities.
Burma’s 2008 Constitution contains provisions that ensure religious freedom and states that the government should “assist and protect the religions it recognizes to its utmost.” President Thein Sein’s office on March 28 called for “earnest effort[s] to control and address all forms of violence including instigations that lead to racial and religious tensions in the interest of the people in accord with the Constitution and existing laws.”
Such efforts need to be accompanied by strong measures, including holding those who planned, organized, and carried out the recent violence accountable, irrespective of the person’s position or the community from which they originate. The government should also make it clear that it will not tolerate incitement to violence, especially by clergy or others in positions of authority.
The government should also take urgent steps to ensure that the police respond impartially to violence. During the violence in Arakan State in June and October, police frequently sided with the majority Buddhist community against the minority Rohingya Muslim population. Frequently the police did nothing to stop the violence against Muslims and in many cases joined with Buddhist mobs to attack predominantly Muslim villages.
“Burma’s government and political, religious, and community leaders should demand an end to the hate speech that has fuelled violence and discrimination against communities in Burma’s fragile multicultural society,” Adams said. “Decisive government action according to the rule of law is critically important to deter extremists and anyone else using violence to further economic, religious, and political agendas.”

 

#yemen Smaller absolute In The world

Smaller absolute in the world facing her father to recover her money and save her sister

seems to be still a long way to go before the Yemeni girl, Nujood Ahdal , before they turn her dreams and reality to it.

After having gained fame after extracted the right of divorce from a husband associated with him against her will in the eight-year-old, Nujood finds itself again facing difficult circumstances with her ​​father, who put his hand on the money, and began planning to marry her baby sister.

Between her dream of becoming a lawyer defending the oppressed, press or pursue their rights, became Highlands - which has gained the title of the world's smallest absolute after they received the dislocation at the age of nine - in the heart of the new suffering, restore her father entered it.

The girl, who won the "Woman of the Year" in 2008 to become a symbol of all Yemeni in addressing early marriage, spoke to Mendoah site in Sanaa, she suffers today from beating her father to her and her sisters and her mother, after laying his hand on the full monthly amount which was received from the proceeds of selling novel written about Amabadtha caused by forcing them to marry.

Highlands lost money in the hands of her father

Nujood says, French publishing house that issued the novel translated into 19 languages ​​for their suffering, had been allocated a $ thousand dollars per month, in addition to providing a two-story house, securing education expenses.

But her father put his hand on the funds allocated to it, making it a material of living is very difficult.

She explains Nujood story, saying: "The father rented an apartment and shop on the first floor of the house, and combines it rents and puts it on his wives, and when I took Rent months to pay electricity and water bills so as not to separate us, shouted Ali and almost hit me .. was give me five thousand riyals ( about $ 25) then declined, and now my mother and my brothers live in difficult circumstances, because he spent on his wives, but I Voaich in my brother's house. "

She added: "I left home in search of safety from the screams and beatings that usually renewed when visiting my parents for the house, because he wants to output my mother and brothers of the house and soothe his wives."

She noted that the proceeds of the book up to her father's account, and spend it as he pleases, and said: "I have divorced one of his wives and marry another last year, and is now spent on his second and third wife .. But we have God."

Highlands: I no longer suffer only to my mother and my sister

And stresses the Highlands, which at the age of now 14 years, they are no longer hurting itself but "feared for her mother," and the fate of her sister small, Haifa, which at the age of now 13 years old, and wants her father to marry the brother of his wife last, which rejects Highlands .

Nujood says: "I support my sister not to marry, because I realized the existence of a legal age for marriage, and I do not like that tormented my sister like me."

And reveal Highlands, which preoccupied her story of millions around the world, all over the threat, saying: "miss my father when his wives for weeks and when it comes to home starts beating and problems, on one occasion Okhava Boukngerh .. my sister Haifa was forced to flee and resort to a uncles for two months, but returned home beyond because of increasing problems with my father and beat him for my mother. "

And conditions left to the school says Nujood, depriving her father of allocations for education, along with tense security situation during the recent demonstrations, and particularly measles region near the house, prevented the continuation of the study.

Also reported that it had received threats from a particular phone number, and had been prosecuted on one occasion when she returned from school, "which scared me in the absence of support me to achieve my ambition to return to school," according to the Highlands.

But Nujood still sticking to achieve the dream of educational attainment, she says: "I wish to travel out of Yemen, and go make me strong testimony to my father and in front of everyone."

Nujood lacks efforts lawyer

In the absence of a lawyer Shaza Nasser, which helped the art of legal battle and shared her award "Woman of the Year" "study abroad", did not find the boys Yemeni choice but to human rights activist Abdel-Alim Hamidi, who helped her to get ownership documents her home, as well as to extract passport.

Says Hamidi, who attended the meeting between CNN Arabic and Highlands, the latter facing many social problems, especially in light of the case of "ignorance and intolerance", which controls the case and their relationship with her family.

Nujood's father: boy and owned the right of the father

For his part, denied the father Nujood accusations by the daughter over placing his hand on the money and use it to link to the wives are new, and the attempt to coerce her younger sister for marriage.

Ali al-Ahdal for CNN Arabic: "I married my own money, I also borrowed from the people, and did not stretch out my hand to my daughter's money."

Ahdal reported that actually receive $ 900 out of thousand dollars Publishing House had pledged a month, and denied that he had acquired the full amount.

He said that amount is subject to the sharing, you get Nujood $ 500 of it, and the return of apartment and rental shop on the ground floor of the house back to them and to her mother.

Ahdal already acknowledged his desire to marry off his daughter Haifa, Nujood's younger sister, stressing that it already received her dowry, the amount of 500 thousand riyals (more than $ 2,300) from a man who Bouktabtha, "and was the disbursement of the whole family," he said.

He said: "I have the consent of the girl Haifa, her mother and her big brother Mohammad, a condition of this pony," he said, adding that if the family refused Haifa marriage, they should re-dowry that Qdoh.

Ahdal said he still pays 25 thousand riyals (116 dollars) rent the great house of his son Mohammed.

He argued: "The boy and have a king to his father .. or are they want Mkasemta in my children?"

By Nujood is still a long

And it seems, is still a long way to go Nujood to overcome the difficulties and achieve her dream, as it became clear that the access to freedom of divorce of man Ivegaha was various types of physical and psychological torment, what is the beginning of a journey of a thousand miles.

Homeland security bans “Jews of #Egypt ”

Homeland security bans “Jews of #Egypt ”

Do You remember that documentary “Jews of Egypt” ??
This ambitious interesting documentary was going to be the second Egyptian documentary to be screened commercially in Egyptian selected cinemas. Its official release was supposed to be tonight but just as we are waiting for its release we found out that it was banned.

  Yes it was banned from screening in Egypt officially despite it was approved by the Censorship bureau following the ministry of Culture. The film was banned by the Homeland Security previously known as State security.
The documentary film maker Amir Ramsis spoke about the matter on his Facebook page.

Ramsis' FB Page

The film’s producer Haitham Khamis also showed the approvals of the Censorship bureau on his Facebook page as well.
Here is the documentary’s English trailer. 

“Jews of Egypt” trailer

I think Ramsis should air the documentary on TV channels for free , let the whole world watches it.
By the way ironically at the same time we found out that the Muslim brotherhood got a film production company called “Cinema Al Nahda” and it is going to screen its first production ever “The Report” { a social drama} in the Arts academy !! The Arts academy is owned by the State.

Baha’i in #egypt

January 2013- Despite the new year, Egyptian Minister of Education Ibrahim Deif reiterated his old comments about the (lack of) acceptance of Baha’i children in Egyptian government schools in an interview with the Egyptian newspaper “Al Akhbar al Yowm”.

The newspaper asked:

ما موقف الوزارة من أبناء من يعتنقون الديانة البهائية, و هل لهم الحق في الالتحاق بمدارسها بعد اعتراف الدستور الجديد بالديانات السماوية الثلاث فقط؟
What is the position of the Ministry regarding the children of Baha’is, and do they have the right to register in government schools after the recognition in the new constitution of only the three monotheistic religions (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism)?

The Minister of Education, Ibrahim Deif, replied:

 هناك ديانات ثلاث معترف بها، و لن أعتزف بأي ديانة أجري، والتربية الديانية مادة اساسية و إذا استطاعوا استيفاء شروط الالتحاق بالمدارس فأهلا و سهلا بهم، و من لا يرضي بشروطي فلا مكان له عندي لأن الديانات المعترف بها دستوريا هي الديانات السماوية الثلاث فقط ولم يعترف بسواها
[The monotheistic faiths] are only three recognized religions, and no other faiths are recognized.  Religion is a crucial subject in school, and if [a student] is able to full the conditions of enrollment in government schools, then they are welcome. However, there is no place for anyone who does not accept these conditions because the only constitutionally recognized religions are the monotheistic faiths, and no others.

If readers find the tautologically confusing and meaningless response of the Minister of Education frustrating, then so do many others. Professor Basma Moussa, a Baha’i activist in Egypt, has a response of her own to the Egyptian Minister:

I have a question for the Minister. What are these conditions that are required for a Baha’i child to enroll in a public school, a school that we all used to attend without conditions, a school from which we succeeded and went on to hold prominent positions that serve our dear country, Egypt?  According to the new constitution itself, education is the right of every child, so please tell us, what are your conditions for an education so that Baha’i parents can figure out how to enroll their children in Egyptian schools, school that are built from the taxes that are taken from us, like they are taken from all Egyptians without discrimination. Please respond, thank you.

The Minister of Education’s remarks are an echo of his comments to another newspaper on November 30th, where he claimed “State law in accordance with government procedures only recognizes three religions, and the Baha’i faith is not among them. Thus their children do not have the right to register in government schools.” His new comments add unidentified “conditions” to the enrollment of Baha’i children in school, which is in fact more dangerous than closing the door entirely.

By claiming that there is a vague method for inclusion, the Egyptian government has the ability to discriminate against Baha’i children and the entire Baha’i community while claiming that there is nothing inherently discriminatory about their laws. Just like the new constitution affirms that “Freedom of belief is an inviolable right” while denying the legitimacy of any faith other than Islam, Christianity, or Judaism, the Minister of Education’s comments pave the way for a discriminatory policy against Baha’is that is given constitutional legitimacy.

#مصر كلنا ليلى : أول الليلات الجامعيات

كلنا ليلى : أول الليلات الجامعيات

هذه الصورة النادرة التى وجدت فى مجلة الاثنين و العالم الصادرة فى يوم 13 مارس 1945 هى صورة لخمس طلابات من اول 17 طالبة تتحلق بالجامعة فؤاد فى1929

اول طالبات فى الجامعة المصرية

و هنا مقالة لدكتورة نعيمة الايوبى فى نفس العدد تحت عنوان “كنت أول فتاة تدخل الجامعة

كنت اول فتاة تدخل الجامعة

”

من المؤسف ان لا نتذكر دور تلك النساء و لا نتذكر اسمائهن ما عدا الدكتورة سهير القلماوى

عالفكرة قبل ان تلتحق تلك الفتيات بالجامعة كانت هناك محاضرات باللغة الفرنسية مخصصة لنساء الطبقة الثرية فى اطار ضيق فى مصر فى ذلك الوقت و كانتا الرائدتان لبيبة هاشم و ملك حفنى ناصف تترجمان تلك المحاضرات الى العربية لنشرها فى الصحف المصرية فى ذلك الوقت

The uprising of women in the Arab world انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي

This campaign certainly deserves our support. Islam will not become a safe religion for anyone until Muslim women are free to live their own lives, and here are some women who are determined to fight for their freedom. The Logo of the campaign (the woman’s hair is a map of the Arab world.)

Inspired by the Arab Spring uprisings, four Arab women have launched a campaign titled “The Uprising of Women in the Arab World,” aimed at gaining “freedom, independence and security” for Arab women. The campaign promotes gender equality in accordance with the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and calls to grant women freedom in the domains of expression, thought, schooling, employment, and the freedom to dress as they please, as well as political rights. The campaign’s Facebook page[1] features the full text of the Human Rights Declaration in Arabic, and there is also an official Twitter account.[2

 [Amongst those supporting the uprising is]
‘Alia Magda Al-Madhi from Egypt, who published nude photos of herself during the revolution in protest of oppression and attacks on freedom of expression: “I support The Uprising of Women in the Arab World because I was threatened with rape, incarceration, and murder. I was abducted, abused, and almost raped for posting an artful nude picture of myself and discussing women’s rights on my blog; for having sex with my lover; and for leaving my parents

I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I want to the society to see me first and foremost as a woman, before seeing me as a mother, a wife, a daughter"
Beirut, Lebanon - Zico House building, Sanayeh
March 8, 2013

ثماني مدن يقلن نعم لانتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي
The Uprising of Women in the Arab World invades 8 Arab cities on March 8
(english below)

اليوم، الثامن من آذار/مارس 2013، تستيقظ كلّ من صنعاء وبيروت والقاهرة وتونس العاصمة وبنغازي وطنجة ورام الله وعمّان على صور نساء تغطي مبانٍ وتخاطب كل من تنظر/ينظر في عيونهن من المارّة. ستعلو صور النساء على مبنى وزارة الشباب والرياضة ومبنى مركزي بشارع السّتين في صنعاء باليمن، فندق السان جورج ومبنى زيكو هاوس في بيروت بلبنان، مبنى مكتبة مدبولي بميدان طلعت حرب في القاهرة بمصر، شارع 7 نوفمبر الطريق إكس باتجاه المطار في تونس العاصمة، مبنى وزارة التربية والتعليم في بنغازي بليبيا، مبنى الخزانة السينمائية بطنجة بالمغرب، ميدان المنارة في رام الله بفلسطين ومبنى في جبل الحسين بالقرب من دوّار الداخلية في عمّان بالأردن. ترتفع صور هذي النساء اليوم الجمعة، ليقلن بأن المرأة ليست عورة، ليقلن لا للتحرّش الجنسي ولا لكشوف العذريّة، ليصرخن بأنه من حق المرأة أن تمنح جنسيتها لزوجها وأبنائها كما الرجل، ليؤكدن بأنّهن كما شاركن في الثورات سيشاركن في بناء دولهنّ، ليستنهضن النساء والرجال للعمل سويّا من أجل نساء ينعمن بالحرية، الاستقلالية والأمان، ليقلن نعم لانتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي. هذه اللافتات الضخمة هي مبادرة جديدة أطلقتها حركة "انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي" بمناسبة اليوم العالمي للمرأة. قامت بهذا النشاط مجموعة متطوّعة من ناشطات وناشطين مستقلين، بالتعاون مع مؤسسات ومبادرات منها "المرأة قضية وطن"-الأردن و"فلسطينيات" - فلسطين و"المرأة الجديدة" – مصر، بدعم من الفدرالية الدولية لحقوق الإنسان بالإضافة إلى أصحاب المباني المشاركة والخزانة السينمائية بطنجة. هذه الصور التي يتم تعليقها في الشارع العربي وفي يوم واحد هي رسالتنا لنندد بالظلم الذي تواجهه النساء في منطقتنا، لنحتفل بالنساء المنتفضات اللواتي يطالبن بحقوقهن ويدافعن عن حرياتهن، ولنؤكد على أن الثورات قامت من أجل الكرامة والعدالة والحرية، والمطالب الثلاثة هذه لا يمكن تحققها بتغييب المرأة عن المشهد العام.

Today, Friday March 8, 2013, the cities of Sanaa, Beirut, Cairo, Tunis, Benghazi, Tanger, Ramallah and Amman will woke up to pictures of women covering buildings and addressing each passer intersecting their gaze.
The women's pictures will be seen on:
- St Georges hotel as well as Zico House in Beirut, Lebanon;
- the Youth and Sports Ministry as well as a central building on the 60th Street in Sanaa, Yemen;
- Madboli Bookshop Building on Talaat Harb square in Cairo, Egypt;
- the Cinematheque of Tanger in Tanger, Morocco;
- the 7th of November Avenue, Route X, Airport, in Tunis, Tunisia;
- the Education Ministry in Benghazi, Libya;
- Manara Square in Ramallah, Palestine
- and Jabal al Hussein near Interior Affairs Ministry Circle in Amman, Jordan.
The photos raised on Friday March 8 will be stating that women are no shame. It will be saying no to sexual harassment, and no virginity tests. It will be crying out for women's right to give their nationality to their spouse and children. It will be reaffirming that women will participate in building their country, just like they have participated in the revolutions. It will be calling for women and men to work together for freedom, independence and safety of women. It will be saying a big YES to the uprising of women in the Arab world.
These huge banners are a new initiative launched by The Uprising of Women in the Arab World movement on International Women's Day. They are a joint action led by independent activists and organizations across the Arab world namely, "Almara' Kadiyyat Watan"-Jordan, "Filastiniyat"-Palestine, "New Woman Foundation"-Egypt, with the support of the International Federation of Human Rights in addition to the owners of the hosting buildings and the Cinematheque of Tangier-Morocco. These photos that will be raised on the same day in 8 cities around the Arab world are a message to denounce the injustice facing women in our region, to celebrate uprising women who are demanding their rights and defending their freedoms, and to emphasize that the Arab revolutions that were led in the name of dignity, justice and freedom, can not achieve their goals if women are being ignored or absented from the main scenery

على مبنى زيكو هاوس في بيروت: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأني أريد أن يراني المجتمع كامرأة أولاً قبل أن يراني كأم، زوجة، ابنة"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I want to the society to see me first and foremost as a woman, before seeing me as a mother, a wife, a daughter"

 

هذه اللافتات الضخمة هي مبادرة جديدة أطلقتها حركة "انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي" بمناسبة اليوم العالمي للمرأة. قامت بهذا النشاط مجموعة متطوّعة من ناشطات وناشطين مستقلين، بالتعاون مع مؤسسات ومبادرات منها "المرأة قضية وطن"-الأردن و"فلسطينيات" - فلسطين و"المرأة الجديدة" – مصر، بدعم من الفدرالية الدولية لحقوق الإنسان بالإضافة إلى أصحاب المباني المشاركة والخزانة السينمائية بطنجة. هذه الصور التي يتم تعليقها في الشارع العربي وفي يوم واحد هي رسالتنا لنندد بالظلم الذي تواجهه النساء في منطقتنا، لنحتفل بالنساء المنتفضات اللواتي يطالبن بحقوقهن ويدافعن عن حرياتهن، ولنؤكد على أن الثورات قامت من أجل الكرامة 

 والعدالة والحرية، والمطالب الثلاثة هذه لا يمكن تحققها بتغييب المرأة عن المشهد العام.

صورة ست البنات سميرة ابراهيم تعلو مبنى مكتبة مدبولي بميدان طلعت حرب في القاهرة بمصر.
المرأة رحم الثورات!

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because she is the womb of revolutions"
Cairo, Egypt - Madboli Bookshop Building on Talaat Harb square

استيقظت تونس العاصمة اليوم في شارع 7 نوفمبر الطريق إكس باتجاه المطار على هذه الصورة وهي تخاطب كل من تنظر/ينظر في عيونها من المارّة.

"I am with the uprising of women because I am the revolution, I am not a shame"
Tunis, Tunisia - 7th of November Avenue, Route X, Airport
March 8, 2013

أما عمّان فقد استيقظت على هذه الصورة تعلو مبنى في جبل الحسين بالقرب من دوّار الداخلية في عاصمة الأردن.

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I am Jordanian and my nationally is a right for my children"
Amman, Jordan - Jabal al Hussein near Interior Affairs Ministry Circle
March 8, 2013

صورة ضخمة تعلو ميدان المنارة في رام الله بفلسطين: أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة العربية لاني فلسطينية ناضلت وأناضل وسأناضل حتى تحقيق الحرية والمساواة

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I have struggled, I am struggling and I will struggle to achieve freedom and equality"
Ramallah, Palestine - Manara Square
March 8, 2013

 

 صورة تعلو مبنى وزارة التربية والتعليم قيد الانشاء في بنغازي بليبيا.

"We are with the uprising of women in the Arab world
Just like we were part of the revolution, we will be part of building the State"
Benghazi, Libya - building under construction of the Ministry of Education

صورة تعلو مبنى السان جورج في بيروت تقول: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأنو ما في اي سبب يمنعني كامرأة لبنانية من اني أعطي الجنسية لأولادي"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I don't see any reason why I shouldn't be able to give my nationality to my children"
Beirut, Lebanon - St Georges Hotel, Ain El Mraisse
March 8, 2013

صورة على مبنى مركزي في شارع السّتين في صنعاء باليمن

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I will not hesitate in demanding my rights"
Sanaa, Yemen
March 8, 2013

 

على مبنى السينما في طنجة، تقول مروة: "أنا مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأني لن أصمت أمام التحرش الجنسي الذي اتعرض له يومياً في الشارع"

"I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world because I won''t stay silent facing the sexual harassment that I endure every day in the streets"
Tanger, Morocco - Cinémathèque of Tanger
March 8, 2013

"أنا مع إنتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي لأنني حكمت اليمن وما زلت أمتلك القدرة والحكمة"
صنعاء، اليمن