#30June Get ready for A revolution against the Muslim Brotherhood #Tamarod

 Tamarod ,the rebellious mother movement of the upcoming 30 June protests launched today the 30 June Front. That front is an attempt to have a political cover for the protests despite the founders of that front made it clear in a press conference that they do not represent all revolutionaries or political powers.

Now the 30 June Front presented a roadmap for Egypt after Mohamed Morsi as Tamarod believes that it is going to oust him on 30 June through petitions. The 6 months transitional period roadmap is as follows after getting rid from MB and Morsi :

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To appoint an independent Prime minister that represents 25 Revolution.

To assign this prime minister with all the executive powers of the president and he will head a technocrat government whose main mission is to fix economy and adopt social justice policies.

To assign the head of supreme constitutional court with the President’s protocol missions.

To dissolve the Shura council and to suspend the current constitution.

To form a new constituent assembly in order to draft a new constitution.

To have presidential elections by the end of the 6 months followed by parliamentary elections monitored by judges and surpervised internationally. 

The National defense council is responsible for national security.

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It is worth to mention that the boys and girls of Tamarod have met with Heikal, the old fox twice in the past two weeks. Politically speaking this roadmap is perfect or rather was perfect for Egypt on 12 February 2011 if people were honest in having true democracy. There is one missing detail is how to reach this roadmap already.

Now there are too many players with other roadmaps and agendas.

The 30 June Front is founded by a number of revolutionary and political activists like Israa Abdel Fatah, Amr Salah, Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Ahmed Harara , Khaled El Belshy and other others.

The press conference was attended by many of the famous faces from activists like Ahmed Harara, Karima El Khafny, Hossam Eissa , Khaled Dawood , Hossam Mounis, Mazhar Shahin and Nour El Huda Zaki.

Here are couple of photos I took from the press conference.

Terrorism has no religion only in #Egypt government

الارهاب لا دين لة فقط فى مصر لة حكومة

Terrorism has no religion only in Egypt government

#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause

No more Morsi: Ghada Adel wants him ousted

The Egyptian actress that has had her lips sealed about her country’s politics is now letting it all hang out in a movement that calls for ousting President Mohammad Morsi and his party formed by members of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Ghada Adel has signed a petition for the “Tamarud” campaign passed around to all the citizens wanting him brought down.

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Looks like the leading lady has gained even more supporters for the campaign by Facebooking a pic with the entire cast of her upcoming television drama "Makan Fi Al Qasr" (A Place in the Palace).

 

The troupe are holding posters for the “Tamarud” in hopes of attracting additional peeps to sign the petition, according to the Middle East news portal Elaph.

 

Other celebs that have signed the petition include Khalid Al Sawi, Khalid Saleh, Khalid Abu Al Naja, Athar Al Hakim and famous Egyptian journalist Mahmoud Saed.

 

Will you join the celebs and sign for the “Tamarud”? Please share with us your thoughts on Ghada’s recent political openness.

من الاقصر ابناء النيل يتمردون. #تمرد في النيل قبل مايبقي ذكرى .................#مصر #الاخوان #مصر twitter.com/samy_qaid/stat…

— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) June 5, 2013

تعلية سور قصر الاتحادية وزياده الحرس اليومزود حرسك علي جدارك .. لو نفعوك كانو نفعو مبارك #تمرد #مصر
— حملة تمرد(@7amlet_tamarod) June 5, 2013

سر نجاح حملة #تمرد هو أنها لا تطلب من الموقع على الإستمارة أكثر مما يحتمل ... لا يمكننا أن نطلب من شعب فقير منهك أن يترك عمله ويقوم بعصيان
— هبة صالح (@HebaSaaleh) June 5, 2013

#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause حول #تمرد egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2013/06/tamaru…

— Zeinobia (@Zeinobia) June 5, 2013

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A Signature Rebellion

I got in a taxi on Thursday and within a few minutes of conversation the driver asked my nationality. This has been a sensitive question recently; last week an American near the embassy answered in the positive and was stabbed in the neck for his troubles. ‘I hate America,’ the assailant confessed afterwards.

For the taxi driver, however, it was an opportunity of a different sort. After I owned up to my nationality he leaned over to his glove compartment and…

… pulled out a sheet of paper.

In fact it was one of many, some signed, most not yet. The driver was preaching the merits of a new campaign to oust President Morsi, and wanted me to convey the message to America. they aim to collect fifteen million signatures to their petition, vaulting over the total number of votes cast for Morsi in the presidential elections. They claim two million to date.

Their grand finale is planned for June 30, at the presidential palace, one year to the day in which Morsi took office.

Here is the translation of their flyer:

REBEL

To withdraw confidence from the Brotherhood regime

The Rebellion Campaign

(to withdraw confidence from Mohamed Morsi ….)

Because security has not yet returned to the street … we don’t want you

Because the poor still do not have a place … we don’t want you

Because we are still begging from abroad … we don’t want you

Because the rights of the martyrs still have not been fulfilled … we don’t want you

Because there is still no dignity for myself or my country … we don’t want you

Because the economy has collapsed and is built upon begging … we don’t want you

Because you follow the Americans … we don’t want you

Since Mohamed Morsi the … came to power, the simple citizen has felt that not one goal of the revolution has been achieved – for bread, freedom, social justice, and national independence. Morsi has failed to realize them all. No security, no social justice – he is a demonstrated failure in the complete sense of the word. It is not fitting for him to administrate a nation of Egypt’s weight.

Therefore:

I, the undersigned, from my free and complete will, as a member of the general assembly of the Egyptian people, withdraw confidence from the president of the republic, the dictator Mohamed Morsi, and call for early presidential elections. I pledge to hold firmly to the goals of the revolution and to work on their behalf, spreading the Rebellion Campaign among the masses until we are able to achieve social dignity, justice, and freedom.

Name:

National Number:

Governorate:

Signature:

Would you sign?

How the #Muslim_Brotherhood Hijacked #Syria Revolution

No one in Syria expected the anti-regime uprising to last this long or be this deadly, but after around 70,000 dead, 1 million refugees, and two years of unrest, there is still no end in sight. While President Bashar al-Assad's brutal response is mostly to blame, the opposition's chronic failure to form a viable front against the regime has also allowed the conflict to drag on. And there's one anti-Assad group that is largely responsible for this dismal state of affairs: Syria's Muslim Brotherhood.

Throughout the Syrian uprising, I have had discussions with opposition figures, activists, and foreign diplomats about how the Brotherhood has built influence within the emerging opposition forces. It has been a dizzying rise for the Islamist movement. It was massacred out of existence in the 1980s after the Baathist regime put down a Brotherhood-led uprising in Hama. Since then, membership in the Brotherhood has been an offense punishable by death in Syria, and the group saw its presence on the ground wither to almost nothing. But since the uprising erupted on March 15, 2011, the Brotherhood has moved adroitly to seize the reins of power of the opposition's political and military factions.

According to a figure present at the first conference to organize Syria's political opposition, held in Antalya, Turkey, in May 2011, the Brotherhood was initially hesitant to join an anti-Assad political body. The group had officially suspended its opposition to the Baathist regime in the wake of the Israeli onslaught on Gaza in 2009, and it pulled out of an alliance with Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian vice president who defected in 2005.

The Brotherhood nonetheless sent members to participate in the conference, including Molhem Droubi, who became a member of the conference's executive bureau. Meanwhile, it took steps to form fighting groups inside Syria, recruiting potential fighters and calling on its relatively meager contacts on the ground in Homs, Hama, Idlib, and Aleppo.

As the idea of a unified opposition group to lead the popular revolt gained momentum, the Brotherhood became more involved. A month after the meeting in Antalya, it organized a conference in Brussels, attended by 200 people, mostly Islamists -- one of the first obvious fractures in the unity of the opposition. The Brotherhood subsequently organized several conferences that formed opposition groups to serve as fronts for the movement, allowing it to beef up its presence in political bodies.

After the conference in Brussels, at least three groups were formed "to support the Syrian revolution." The organizations continued to hatch, and a few months after the first conference they were present in opposition bodies that later formed the core of the Syrian National Council (SNC), an umbrella group that ostensibly represented all anti-Assad forces. The council set aside seats for both the Brotherhood and members of the Damascus Declaration, a group of Syrian reformists established in 2005 -- but the Brotherhood already had a significant presence within the Damascus Declaration group.

الإيحاءات الجنسية لنظام الأخوان 

 

 

 

Change in Egypt #egypt #Morsi #Ikhwan #cartoon

Mubarak and Marsa same dirty face

Jon Stewart defends Bassem Youssef (Egypt's Jon Stewart); Destroys Pres. Morsi

Jon Stewart defends Bassem Youssef (Egypt's Jon Stewart); Destroys Pres. Morsi 

أنا لا أفهم هذا الرجل .. أنت رئيس مصر.. أعظم أرض وأعظم شعب في التاريخ المدون، شعبك -سيدي الرئيس- اخترع الحضارة، حتى أن اليونانيين القدماء حين ذهبوا إلى مصر ذهلوا وقالوا: ماذا عندكم هنا؟ علم الهندسة والأساطير؟ عندما تفرغون منهما يمكننا استخدامهما، سيدي الرئيس لقد اخترع المصريون اللغة المكتوبة والورق ومعجون الأسنان، حتى إنهم دفنوا مع قططهم الأليفة، كذلك أصبح الكثيرون يقلدون الطريقة المصرية في الرقص، المصريون هم من بنوا الأهرامات.. ربما يجب عليك أن تأتي بأحد هؤلاء كي يجعل جلدك أكثر سمكاً (جلد إخوانجي تخين).. كل مافعله باسم يوسف هو السخرية من قبعتك وعدم قدرتك على الأداء الديمقراطي، ما الذي يقلقك؟ أنت رئيس مصر، ولديك جيش وأسلحة ودبابات وطائرات، ونحن نعلم ذلك لأن مازال لدينا الفواتير، انصت لي جيدا، محاولة إسكات كوميديان لن تؤهلك كي تصبح رئيس مصر، دعني أقول لك شيئا: مالذي يقلقك سيدي الرئيس؟ خوفك من قوة النقد الساخر على هيبتك؟ انظر إلى.. هذا ما أفعله في الـ 15 عام الماضيين، أنا أعرف باسم شخصيا، وهو صديقي وأخي، وإن كان هناك شيئان يحبهما باسم جدا فهما مصر والإسلام

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم #الاخوان #مرسى #مصر #Ikhwankazeboon

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم

تبدأ الحكاية بعد أن إتهمت بعض القوى الثورية وبعض النشطاء السياسيين جماعة الإخوان المسلمين وشبابها بالتعدى عليهم أمام مكتب الإرشاد وتباينت القصص والروايات حول لماذا تم افعتداء فالبعض يقول أن الإخوان أرداوا الإنتقام من خسارة إنتخابات نقابة الصحافة مع أن الإخوان لم يكن لهم مرشح مباشر فى هذه الإنتخابات ولم يعلن الإخوان المسلمين عن وجود مرشحين لهم فى هذه الإنتخابات وبالرغم من ذلك قالوا أن الإخوان المسلمين خسروا انتخابات نقابة الصحفيين كذلك قال البعض أن الصحفيين تواجدوا هناك لتغطية تواجد خالد مشعل فى مكتب الإرشاد ولقاؤه بالمرشد بالرغم انه لم يتم الإعلان عن ذلك ولم تصدر أى جهة تابعة للإخوان عن وجود خالد مشعل أو عن وجود لقاء بينه وبين المرشد داخل المقر بينما رد الإخوان على هذه الإتهامات من ناحيتهم عندما اكدوا أن النشطاء السياسيين تواجدوا امام المقر وقاموا بالسب للإخوان والمرشد كما قاموا بكتابة عبارات مسيئة ومهينة للإخوان والمرشد وحاولوا رسم بعض الرسومات او الجرافيتى كما يُطلق عليها فما كان من شباب الإخوان إلا انهم خرجوا لهم وإعتدوا عليهم وبين تلك الروايات وتلك وبين ضياع الحقيقة بين كلام هؤلاء وأولئك يبقى سؤال إستخدمه معارضى الإخوان فيما سبق ردا على أحداث قصر الإتحادية رددها كل المعارضين وكل القنوات الفضائية والصحف المعروفة بمهاجمة الإخوان وكان السؤال هو ..لماذ ذهب الإخوان أمام قصر الإتحادية ؟؟؟ ..فهل يمكن توجيه هذا السؤال الآن للنشطاء السياسيين وهل يمكن القول لماذا ذهب المعارضين والنشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان بالمقطم ؟؟ ولكن سوف نجد من يقول انهم تواجدوا فى مكان عام فى الشارع ولا يمكن أحد منعهم ولكن الرد سوف يكون بنفس الطريقة الإخوان هم أيضا عندما ذهبوا لقصر الإتحادية توجدوا أمام مكان عام من حقهم التواجد فيه سوف يقول البعض الآخر الإخوان ذهبوا أمام قصر الإتحادية وهم يعرفون أن المعارضة متواجدة هناك فسوف يكون الرد أيضا وهل عندما ذهب النشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان كانوا يتوقعون أن الإخوان لن يتواجدوا فى مقرهم ومن من الممكن التواجد داخل مقر الإخوان أو أمامه هل يمكن أن يتواجد المعارضين ؟؟
وبعد الأحداث السابق ذكرها دعت بعض القوى الثورية والعديد من النشطاء السياسيين للتظاهر امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم ردا على ماحدث لهم من شباب الإخوان وبالفعل حدث ذلك أمام المكتب أمس ولكن شهد التواجد الذى دائما مايصفه الإعلام بالسلمى بالرغم ما يخلفه من حرائق وحالات تخريب وإصابات نفس ما يشهده دائما تواجد المعارضة فى أى مكان إعتداءات ومولوتوف وحرائق وإصابات بالجملة وأحداث أمس طرحت العديد من الأسئلة كانت تحتاج إلى إجابات ورددها العديد من الإعلاميين وهى
(1) هل بعد إحتراق مقرات الإخوان والإعتداء على مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم وسحل وحرق بعض أفرادهم أمس هل بعد كل ذلك مازال البعض يعتقد انهم يمتلكون ميلشيات مسلحة؟؟
(2) هل من كانوا يرددون ان الإخوان هم من قاموا بموقعة الجمل وهم من قاموا بأحداث بورسعيد وهم من يغتصبون ويتحرشون وكل ماسبق من أفعال إجرامية مازالوا يعتقدون ذلك ؟ وهل لو كان الإخوان يستأجرون بلطجية ليفعلوا ذلك لماذا لم يستأجروا نفس البلطجية للدفاع عنهم امس ؟؟
ونحن هنا نقدم لكم مجموعة من الفيديوهات التى توثق وتوضح كل ماتم من احداث أمس امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم  

234 مصاباً في جمعة رد الكرامة والنيابة تحقق في دعوات التظاهر أمام مقر "الإخوان"

 

حازم عبدالعظيم: مليونية المقطم 22 مارس ستوجه رسالة للعالم أجمع مفادها أن الشعب لن يقبل بأن يحكم من مكتب الإرشاد

 حبس 6 شباب فى جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم.. والمتهمون يتهمون الشرطة بسحلهم http://ow.ly/2vHYRw

القوى السياسية تجدد دعوتها للمشاركة في جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام «الإرشاد»

«الوطن» تنشر شهادات معتقلى «سلخانة المقطم الإخوانية»

فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم

بالصور.. خالد علي يحمي مصابي الإخوان خلال اشتباكات المقطم 

http://ow.ly/jlsjE

11 فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم
http://files.elwatannews.com/video_49 

بالصور.. النيران تشتعل في أحد شباب «الإخوان» خلال اشتباكات «مكتب الإرشاد» http://ow.ly/jkqQo 

‫خلفان - تم تهديدى من #الإخوان بعد كشفى عن تجارة الشاطر للمخدرات‬

Egypt book blasts Brotherhood, becomes best-seller

#Egypt Egyptian book blasts Muslim Brotherhood and becomes a best-seller

 

An Egyptian lawyer whose dissenting voice got him thrown out of the Muslim Brotherhood examines what he calls the group's hidden radicalism in a book that has become a best-seller in Cairo.
Tharwat al-Khirbawy's "Secret of the Temple" has been dismissed by Brotherhood leaders as part of a smear campaign.

But its success points to a deep mistrust harboured by some Egyptians towards a once-outlawed movement that has moved to the heart of power since Hosni Mubarak was toppled and its candidate secured the presidency.
In its 12th print run since November, the book is being sold in upmarket shops and on street corners, pointing to a thirst for information about a group whose inner workings remain a mystery months after President Mohamed Mursi came to power.
Expelled from the group a decade ago, Khirbawy says he aims to expose dictatorship and extremism inside the Brotherhood. In the process, he has joined a media war being waged to shape views in Egypt's deeply polarised political landscape.
Asked to comment on the book, one senior Muslim Brotherhood leader dismissed its content as "fallacies". Another said that to comment on such a book would be a waste of time.
"I want to make all people know the reality about the Brotherhood," Khirbawy said in an interview with Reuters.
Khirbawy sees the way he was kicked out of the Brotherhood as an illustration of the group's authoritarian streak.
He was disciplined in 2001 at a "Brotherhood court" for publishing three articles that criticised the group for not engaging with other opposition parties - a criticism still levelled at the Brotherhood today. "The Brotherhood does not know the virtue of differences of opinion," he said.
Demonised for decades by Egypt's military-backed autocracy, the Brotherhood sees such attacks as propaganda concocted by opponents who have struggled to get organised and carve out their place in the new order.
But Khirbawy's arguments resonate among those Egyptians who believe the Brotherhood aims to subvert new freedoms for their own ends to set up a new Islamist autocracy - a view hardened late last year when Mursi unilaterally expanded his powers.
MURSI DEFENDS QUTB
Khirbawy has been extensively interviewed by independent Egyptian media that are broadly critical of the Brotherhood.
In his book, he explores the ideology of Mursi and the small group of leaders at the top of the movement, examining their devotion to Sayyid Qutb, a radical ideologue executed in 1966 for plotting to kill president Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Qutb, a Brotherhood leader, formulated some of the most radical ideas in political Islam. These included the idea that modern-day Muslim societies were living in a pre-Islamic state of ignorance. His most radical work, written while he was in prison, advocated violence to bring about change.
Mursi is on the record as defending Qutb as a thinker "who liberates the mind and touches the heart". In a 2009 talk show appearance posted on YouTube last year, Mursi said Qutb "finds the real vision of Islam that we are looking for".
Among Brotherhood watchers, it is no secret that the Brotherhood's current leadership were heavily influenced by Qutb, who also wrote more broadly on Islam.
But "trying to give the impression that Mursi is a Qutbist is an exaggeration" said Khalil al-Anani, an expert on Islamist movements. "Yes they are influenced by him in terms of the purity of ideas, but not in terms of believing in violence or judging people as non-believers," he said.
Brotherhood spokesman Ahmed Aref said the movement, like all groups, had rules that must be respected, adding that it was not the first time a member had left over the years and spoken out. "The difference this time is the media," he said.
A well-oiled campaign machine and grass-roots support base helped the Brotherhood sweep the first post-Mubarak parliamentary vote at the end of 2011, but the assembly was disbanded in June when Egypt's highest court declared the election rules unconstitutional.
Suspicion that the Brotherhood plans to dominate Egypt means the group may find it harder to win votes as fresh parliamentary elections near.
"They don't have people who can explain themselves in a good way, particularly those who talk to the Egyptian public," said Anani. "There is a huge gap of mistrust."
(Writing by Tom Perry; Editing by Tom Pfeiffer)

القول النفيس فى تعريص الاخوان الملحدين #Ikhwankazeboon

الكدب على اصولة ومرسى ومرشدة بديع مدرسة كبيرة
لا اول ولا اخر كدبة بس بمناسبة قطونيل والى قالة وغلطة منى الشاذلى انة لم تعرض لية الفيديو ما قالة فى نفس الوقت
اشكرى يا انشرح

The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi

On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.

However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 

To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.

The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.

The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.

Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.

The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.

The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.

Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.

Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.

Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.

Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

#مصر كيف تطهرين ثديك

السادة الحُكام الكتير قوى اللى عندنا دول.. انتوا بتشتغلوا بعض يا جماعة؟؟.. بتقعدوا تقولوا لبعض كلام فطش جامد قوى.. وبتصدقوا نفسكوا وفاهمين إن الناس اللى متضايقة منكم وطالع بهاليل أبوها من حكمكم قلة مندسة.. وانهم هما الشوية الصغيرين من وجهة نظركم اللى بينزلوا الميادين بالقياس لتعداد الشعب.. وبتطمنوا أنفسكم بحزب الكنبة اللى قاعد ومبطوط وما بياخدش أكشن واضح فى الشارع.. إنتوا غلطانين جدا.. مش قلة مندسة ولا كنبة.. نو.. ابسيلوتلى.. إوعوا تنسوا ان مصر فيها ما لا يقل عن عشرين تلاتين مليون نسمة ساكنين العشوائيات والمقابر والذى منه.. سيبكم من المثقفين والنخبة اللى دايسين على عصب ضرسكوا وبيلعبوا البخت فى بوبو عينكوا دول.. وبيحاولوا يقودوا المعركة بشكل حضارى أصبح مرفوض من الشارع.. ولا توهموا أنفسكم انكم نجحتم فى إفشالهم.. فرغم أن الشارع أصبح يحتج على دبلوماسيتهم ومبادراتهم ومؤتمراتهم السلمية.. ويراهم متراخين فى تحقيق ما يرنو إليه الآن وحالًا.. وهو تغيير السلطة الحاكمة التى اتضح فشلها الذريع وخيبتها التقيلة لكل مواطن مهما كان مستواه الاجتماعى وثقافته.. إلا أنهم يدركون فى قرارة أنفسهم أن وجود المعارضة هو صمام أمان.. حتى لو تقاعست مرحليا عن تحقيق رغبتهم الحالية.. لأنها لو تركت الميدان تماما.. فسوف تتركهم فى مواجهتكم وحدهم.. وساعتها سيحدث ما لا تحمد عقباه لهم ولكم.. حايبقى منكم ليهم طس..

■ سكان العشوائيات والمقابر اللى هما مش ناس جاهلة ولا بالضرورة فقيرة.. بل لديهم وعى خاص بهم يفوق وعيكم بمراحل.. لكنهم ناس اضطُهدوا على مدار تلاتين سنة من مبارك بدون سبب.. وهى دى جريمته الأولى والأكثر فحشاً من كل جرائم الفساد.. دول وجدوا نفسهم مضطرين لخلق مجتمع لنفسهم عافية كده لما ما لاقوش مكان فى المجتمع المستقر حواليهم.. ودول مش طايقينكم.. حايطلعوا طلعة واحدة.. مش على المجتمع اللى حاولوا يتعايشوا معاه وقبلوه وقبلهم حيث إن الاتنين لم يكن لهم أى حيلة.. لكن عليكم لأنكم بتزودوا العيشة ضلام والجيب فراغ والأمن ضياع.. هؤلاء الناس ليسوا جياعاً ولا جهلة ولا حيوانات.. دول ناس ظروف الحياة خلقت لديهم فلسفة.. لأنهم رغم الفقر والضنك بيتعلموا من الموت اللى حواليهم واللى بيكوّن معظم الفلسفة لديهم.. فإذا كنتم تعوّلون على أنهم إذا خرجوا فى ثورة جياع سيأكلون الأخضر واليابس اللى هو احنا.. فاعلموا أنكم أنتم معظم الأخضر واليابس.. لأنهم يدركون أن المعارضة لا تملك أى سلطة ولا تشرّع شيئاً ولا تقرر ماذا تفعل بموارد ومقدرات البلد.. المعارضة لا تختصر العيش فى ثلاثة أرغفة.. لا تطلق شيوخا يفتون بالقتل.. ولا تضطهد الأقباط.. ولا تقسم الشعب وتشيع الفتنة الطائفية.. ولا تهدر القضاء وتهينه.. ولا تنتهك النساء وتتحرش بهم.. ولا تطلق عصابات شوارع تحت مسمى النهى عن المنكر.. ولا تستورد قتلة من حماس ولا أفغانستان.. ولا تغتال الشهداء بسبق إصرار وترصد.. ولا تعذب الناس فى الأقسام والسجون.. ولا تسحلهم فى الشوارع والله يعلم ماذا يحدث خلف الحيطان.. أنتم الذين تضعون أيديكم على الشرطة المختفية والجيش المتباعد.. وأنتم الذين تملكون المال والتمويل الخارجى والداخلى.. وأنتم الذين تعقدون الصفقات غير المفهومة مع قطر وإيران وحماس وإسرائيل وأمريكا.. أى أن القوة معكم ولكنها عليهم.. فاصحوا للدور بقى.. البلد بقت خرابة بينعق فيها البوم.

■ يصر بعض المخططين، سكان الغرف المظلمة والسراديب والدهاليز والدخانيق، على تجاهل قدرة الطرف الذى يخططون له.. المشكلة كلها فى أنهم يخططون لجريمة زى التحرش والاغتصاب الجماعى المنظم لنساء مصر داخل مجتمع مسالم بطبعه.. مش واخد ع الجريمة.. عشان كده بيتفاجئ.. وبتتحسب الضربة الأولى للمعتدى.. وبالتالى بيفرح ويزأطط إنه روَّع وخوف وانتهك حرمة المرأة المصرية.. وتوّبها تنزل الشارع.. غلطان يا كوتش.. غلطان قوى.. لأنك مفترض ان نتيجة الضربة الأولى ستسرى للأبد وبكده تكون تخلصت من عنصر المرأة اللى حاتقول يام وتكش وتخاف وتهجع وتستكين.. والنبى نذاكر تاريخ شوية بقى.. ونفتكر مع بعضينا وسائل انتقام المرأة لما ينداس عليها بالصُرم وتتقهر أوفر.. من أول دشدشة ألواح السرير على نافوخ المستر لحد ما يبقى هو وعجينة الطعمية واحد.. مرورا بدلق حلة زيت مغلى عليه وهو مأنتخ فى البانيو قال بياخد حمام رغاوى.. أو خلط كباية الشاى كل يوم بسم فيران أو ليسيد قاتل القمل والصئبان.. لحد تقطيعه وتشوينه فى أكياس بلاستيك وبيعه فى السوق على إنه عفشة عجل صومالى.. فما بالك بقى بالانتقام من جريمة تحرش واغتصاب مدبرة؟؟.. أهى دى مافيهاش بقى قطع غيار ولا أجهزة تعويضية.

■ السادة الإخوة الإخوان والسادة الإخوة السلفيين.. حبوا بعض يا ولاد.. مالكوش إلا بعض.. إنتوا برضه فريقين زائرين على أرض مضيفة محايدة.. ما تشمتوش الشعب كله فيكوا.. ده حتى عيب لما واحد م الإخوان يهدد السلفيين بأنه حايدخلهم السجن.. قوم السلفى يقوله مش حاندخل لوحدينا.. حانجيبلكم احنا سجون منين بقى؟؟.. إحنا بنهدى النفوس يعنى.. آه..

■ منك لله يا شريف يا عامر.. يا مقدم برنامج الحياة اليوم.. كشفت راسى ودعيت عليك تتشتح تشتيحتنا وتتشندل شندلتنا.. قولوا آمين.. مانت السبب.. انت اللى استضفت سعد الصغير يوم ما سحب استمارة الترشح للرئاسة.. وخليته اعترف انه كان بيهزر ورجع فى كلامه.. كنت تسيبه يا شريف.. سيبه يا خويا.. سيبه يا حبيبى.. عاجبك اللى احنا فيه ده؟؟..

■ إحنا آسفين يا جنزورى.. ياللا بجملة.. اشمعنى كل الناس شغالة دلوقتى إحنا آسفين يا مبارك.. إحنا آسفين يا شفشق.. إحنا آسفين يا حمدين.. جت عالجنزورى يعنى؟.. ده هو أحق واحد بالأسف اليومين دول..

■ كانت فرصة ذهبية أن يطرح السيد رئيس الوزراء قضية عدم نظافة الصدر أثناء الإرضاع مما يصيب الأطفال فى الأرياف بالإسهال.. وبالتالى نطرح نحن الطريقة المثالية لتوخى الحذر من هذه الظاهرة المريعة الشينيعة الفزززيعة.. سيدتى.. لتطهير حلمة الثدى قبل إلقامها للطفل الرضيع عليكى القيام بالآتى:

إحضار كسرولة صغيرة مناسبة لحجم الثدى.. أو متوسطة.. أو حلة.. وفيه ناس حجم ثديها يستحمل بستلة.. واملئيها بالماء وضعيها على النار حتى تغلى.. ثم انحنى للأمام وأسقطى الصدر اليمين فيها حتى يتسلق.. ارفعيه وأسقطى الشمال.. ده ان كنتى لسه عايشة.. وبهذا يتم تعقيم الحلمتين حتى لا يصاب الطفل بالإسهال.. علماً بأنه لا يصاب بالإسهال أصلاً قبل أربعة شهور لأن لبن الأم يحتوى على أجسام مضادة للميكروب تمنع نقل أى بكتيريا أو فطريات جلدية للطفل.. ياللا مش مهم.. المهم إننا عرفنا إن رئيس وزراءنا جامد طحن تنين حشد.. وفاقس فولة الفلاحين اللى بيصحوا من النوم يفطروا.. وبعدين الولية تقول للراجل: طيب أنا رايحة الغيط أُغتصب.. عايز حاجة؟؟.. فيقولها: لأ بس خللى بالك ما تجيبيش عيال معاكى من بره.. كفاية اللى عندنا.. أما نخلصهم نبقى نجيب تانى

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

• Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
• Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
• Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
• Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president

Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.

They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.

It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.

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Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men

Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration

Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.

Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'

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But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.

Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.

'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

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Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi

Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University

One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.

Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.

A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.

Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.

Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups

Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers

Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.

In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.

While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.

Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.

Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night

Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack

Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'

The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.

'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 

Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.

Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year

Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community

The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.

Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.

'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.

Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.

The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.

Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood

A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday

If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.

Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.

Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".

The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.

Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out

Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday

The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.

The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.

The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.

The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.

Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.

Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.