Showing posts with label Anti_ikhwan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anti_ikhwan. Show all posts

11/24/2017

Black Friday in Egypt mosque attack leaves at least 235 dead in Sinai

Egypt mosque attack leaves at least 235 dead in Sinai Peninsula


At least 235 people were killed when gunmen opened fire and bombed a mosque in Egypt's volatile Sinai Peninsula on Friday. Government officials said 109 more had been injured in the attack — among the deadliest in Egypt's history.


Police sources told The Associated Press that men in four off-road vehicles opened fire on worshippers in the al-Rawdah mosque in the town of Al Rawdah. NBC News could not immediately independently verify that account.
Two eyewitnesses and a security source told Reuters that the suspected militants targeted supporters of the security forces attending prayers. Citing official sources, the state-run MENA news agency reported that the mosque is largely attended by Sufi Muslims — a form of Islam considered heretical by some conservatives and extremists like the Islamic State group.
Egyptians walk past bodies following a gun and bombing attack at the Rawda mosque, roughly 40 kilometres west of the North Sinai capital of El-Arish, on November 24, 2017.


A picture taken with a mobile phone shows an injured man, identified as Reda, who survived Sinai mosque attack, receiving treatment at a hospital in Cairo,


8/17/2015

Egypt: Establish International Inquiry Into Rab’a Massacre

(Beirut) – Egyptian authorities have held no government official or member of the security forces responsible for the mass killing of protesters in Cairo’s Rab’a al-Adawiya Square two years ago. On August 14, 2013, security forces killed at least 817 people and most likely more than 1,000 at a mass sit-in in what probably amounted to crimes against humanity.

Given the Egyptian government’s refusal to properly investigate the killings or provide any redress for the victims, the United Nations Human Rights Council should establish an international commission of inquiry into the brutal clearing of the Rab’a al-Adawiya sit-in and other mass killings of protesters in July and August 2013. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights should establish a similar investigation.





An officer from the Egyptian Central Security Forces (CSF) takes aim at a crowd of retreating protesters as security forces disperse the Rab’a sit-in on August 14, 2013.
© 2013 AFP/Getty Images


“Washington and Europe have gone back to business with a government that celebrates rather than investigates what may have been the worst single-day killing of protesters in modern history,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director. “The UN Human Rights Council, which has not yet addressed Egypt’s dangerous and deteriorating human rights situation, is one of the few remaining routes to accountability for this brutal massacre.”




The United States and Egypt’s European allies, rather than seriously addressing the rank impunity of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s government, contend that it is a national security priority to resume their relationships with Egypt, including providing Egypt with military aid and hardware.
The dispersal of the Rab’a al-Adawiya sit-in occurred on August 14, 2013, a little more than a month after the Egyptian military – under then-Defense Minister al-Sisi – removed Mohamed Morsy, Egypt’s first freely elected president and a former high-level official in the Muslim Brotherhood. Morsy’s ouster followed mass protests against his rule. Afterward, Brotherhood supporters and others opposed to the military’s actions held protests throughout Egypt. Security forces systematically confronted the protests with deadly force. Between Morsy’s ouster on July 3, 2013, and August 16, 2013, Human Rights Watch documented six instances when security forces unlawfully killed protesters, leaving at least 1,185 people dead.
The dispersal of the Rab’a al-Adawiya Square sit-in, where the crowd reached 85,000 at its height, was the worst of these incidents. The government announced its intention to clear the sit-in but did not announce a date. At first light on August 14, security forces using armored personnel carriers and snipers fired on the crowd with live ammunition shortly after playing a recorded announcement to clear the square through loudspeakers. Police provided no safe exit and fired on many who tried to escape.
Authorities had anticipated a high number of casualties; both Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim and Prime Minister Hazem al-Beblawy said publicly after the dispersal that they had expected that more protesters would have been killed. A year later, al-Beblawy was quoted as saying in an interview with al-Masry al-Youm, an independent newspaper, that “all options were bad” for resolving the sit-in and that anyone who “committed a mistake” should be sent to court.




       Washington and Europe have gone back to business with a government that celebrates rather than investigates what may have been the worst single-day killing of protesters in modern history. The UN Human Rights Council, which has not yet addressed Egypt’s dangerous and deteriorating human rights situation, is one of the few remaining routes to accountability for this brutal massacre.

Joe Stork


Earlier, Egyptian military and police killed 61 protesters outside the Republican Guard headquarters on July 8 and 95 protesters at Cairo’s Manassa Memorial on July 27. On the day of the Rab’a dispersal, police killed at least 87 protesters while clearing another Cairo sit-in at al-Nahda Square. On August 16, police killed at least another 120 people who continued to protest Morsy’s ouster in Ramsis Square in downtown Cairo.
The widespread and systematic nature of these killings, and the evidence Human Rights Watch collected, suggests that the killings were part of a policy to use lethal force against largely unarmed protesters, making them probable crimes against humanity.
In December 2013, the Egyptian government established the June 30 Fact-Finding Committee, named after the date on which protests against the Morsy government began, to look into the killings and the events that precipitated and followed them. The government released an executive summary of the committee’s findings on November 26, 2014, that did not recommend charges against any government official or member of the security forces.
The government has not released the full report and has not signaled any intention to do so. The Prosecutor General’s office, which has the prerogative and responsibility to open criminal investigations, has not announced any charges. On July 16, al-Sisi’s cabinet approved renaming Rab’a square after Hisham Barakat, the prosecutor general who gave legal approval to the 2013 dispersal and who was assassinated in June.
The only prosecution to emerge from the mass killings of July and August 2013 concerned the suffocation deaths of 37 protesters on August 18, 2013. The men, who had been arrested at the Rab’a dispersal, died after a policeman fired a teargas canister inside the overcrowded prison van where they were temporarily held. On August 13, 2015, a court reduced a 10-year sentence for a police lieutenant colonel involved in the deaths to 5 years following a retrial. The case could still proceed to Egypt’s highest appellate court. Three lower-ranking officers have all received one-year suspended sentences.
Police arrested hundreds of protesters during the Rab’a sit-in dispersal and held them in pretrial detention for nearly two years. On August 12, prosecutors referred the case to trial, accusing the protesters of a number of crimes, including blocking roads and harming national unity. Al-Shorouk, an independent newspaper, reported that prosecutors have not disclosed the number of protesters being sent to trial, though lawyers believe that more than 400 are being held.
US officials have refrained from characterizing Morsy’s removal as a coup, which would have triggered the immediate halt of military aid. But after the Rab’a killings, the US cancelled planned joint military exercises with Egypt and announced a review of “further steps that we may take as necessary with respect to the US-Egyptian relationship.”
In October 2013, the US suspended the delivery of four major weapons systems to Egypt. In August 2014, it lifted that suspension and delivered 10 Apache attack helicopters. In March 2015, the administration lifted all suspensions, allowing delivery of 12 F-16 fighter jets and up to 125 M1A1 tank kits, while also announcing plans to tighten restrictions on Egypt’s military aid buying power. In August, Secretary of State John Kerry went to Cairo to lead the first Strategic Dialogue with Egypt since 2009.
European governments – particularly France, Germany, and the United Kingdom – have embraced al-Sisi’s government. Al-Sisi met President Francois Hollande in France in November 2014, and France subsequently sold Egypt 24 Rafale fighter jets and delivered the first 3 on July 21. In June 2015, al-Sisi met with Chancellor Angela Merkel in Berlin on the same day that the German industrial company Siemens signed an 8 billion euro deal to supply gas- and wind-power plants to Egypt. The government of UK Prime Minister David Cameron has also invited al-Sisi to meet.
“The lack of justice for the victims of the Rab’a massacre and other mass killings is an open wound in Egyptian history,” Stork said. “Addressing this crime is necessary before Egypt can begin to move forward.”


11/18/2013

#Morsi dressed in white prison uniform #egypt #MB

Newspapers in Egypt have released photographs of deposed President Mohammed Morsi dressed in white prison uniform at Burj Al-Arab prison where he is being held.
The former Islamist President appears to be smiling for the camera, despite ob
--> jections to wearing the white outfit during his trial when he stated that the court and the trial are illegitimate.

In response to the photographs, the Muslim Brotherhood has called on supporters of Morsi to 'dress in white' and to 'dress their families in white' in solidarity with the deposed President.

What are your thoughts on the Muslim Brotherhood's call? Does it simply ignore the fact that all other prisoners - including those from the Mubarak regime - must wear such outfits too?

9/13/2013

How #Egypt Is Systematically Hunting Down The #Muslim_Brotherhood

The show had just started. It was one of those debates that the new private Egyptian channels love to produce: Viewers can call in to denounce a terrorist, live on air.
In front of his television, Yasser was listening to the host describe an “individual who seriously affects the image of the country.” The host repeated his name, again and again, so the audience wouldn’t forget. At that moment, on his couch, Yasser suddenly realized that this “terrorist” for whom the hunt was now on was him: a 40-year-old father of two who works at a conference center used by the Freedom and Justice Party, the Muslim Brotherhood’s political organization in Egypt.

His wife told him right away, “You have to leave.” 
But he refused, saying he “hasn't done anything wrong.”
Last year, Yasser and his wife gave up a comfortable situation in Dubai to return to Cairo, filled with enthusiasm after then-President Mohamed Morsi’s election and the arrival of an Islamist government. Over the summer, the Egyptian Army violently removed the elected leaders, and these last few weeks, the repression has become more judicial than military, as it was at the outset. At least 1,700 people have been arrested and placed in 15 police precincts and four prisons of the capital, according to an investigation carried out by an association of lawyers.
On his couch, Yasser can hardly believe that the police will come to arrest him. “Why me? The police only target high-ranking members.” And his wife: “Your colleagues have already left, haven’t they?” Former prominent ministers or more obscure Muslim Brotherhood members have been forced by the hundreds into hiding.
In Cairo, life seems almost normal after a summer of riots and mourning. Security checkpoints have been eased, and hotels have been openly organizing “special curfew” nights. The atmosphere, however, remains electric. The Egyptian capital is still on high alert. News flashes appear hourly on mobile phones.
We learn that Morsi, the deposed president, will be tried for “incitement to murder,” though the date of the trial is unclear. The first pro-Morsi demonstrators’ trial just took place before a military court in Suez, and the sentences are breathtaking — 10 to 15 years’ imprisonment, and a life sentence for one.
“There’s clearly a particular hostility toward Islamists,” says Amr Hassan, a lawyer. He is 29 and looks nothing like what someone might imagine an Islamist sympathizer would.
In 2011, Hassan founded a legal collective for defending demonstrators arrested on Tahrir Square in the struggle against then-President Hosni Mubarak’s regime. This time, the ones calling him are families of those who were among the truckloads of Morsi supporters raided by the police during last summer’s sit-ins.
Hassan says that, on a legal level at least, the fight is at least as hard as in 2011. “Many are being sued for weapon possession or for murder, which was not the case for Tahrir Square,” he explains. “Do you know what the most surprising part is? The official reports accuse them of having not only fired shots against the police, but also ‘inadvertently’ against their own troops.”
Abdallah Fattif, vice president of the Egyptian Judges’ Club, defends the charges. “All the procedures are legal. There have maybe been excesses concerning the intensity of the use of force, but [you] have to understand, we had no choice.”
The club’s headquarters has been located in the same elegant building for decades. It is the only official federation for judicial authorities in Egypt. “The new authorities first planned on banning the Freedom and Justice Party, maybe even the Muslim Brotherhood,” Fattif says. “It finally preferred the criminal prosecutions to the political ones. We have now entered a context of war on terrorism.”
Some 150 judges — out of 50,000 — signed a manifesto supporting Morsi when he was in power. Since his destitution, their cases have been taken away from them, and investigations will decide about their professional suspension. At least a dozen of them are also on the run.
Sending a message
It was around 5 a.m. a few days earlier, when Yasser and his wife heard the police cars driving up the street, escorted by young informants from the area pointing out their house. The whole neighborhood had gotten out of their beds and assembled to see men in dark face masks banging on Yasser’s door, as if they were issuing a general warning: “This is what can happen to you.”
Yasser had stayed. He had no backup plan, and no one to call.
In the streets of Cairo, after each Friday prayer, the Morsi supporters try reassembling their numbers to demonstrate. Between 10,000 and 40,000 people — depending on the weeks — march in a capital, otherwise on lockdown. Still, it's nothing compared with last summer’s explosion of violence.
In this security-driven context, the tone has also changed. Foreign journalists are now welcomed into the country. Women shake hands without anybody making comments. People smile at them and look them straight in the eye, even if their arms are uncovered.
It is here, in the middle of this visible crowd, that Bachir risks going out. He introduces himself with a small, almost teasing smile. He is a pharmacy technician, a longstanding activist in Islamist politics and, since July, coordinator of the Youth Against Coup Movement. Convinced he is being followed, he has not returned to his house for a number of days.
“While the Muslim Brotherhood has spent the larger part of their history in secrecy, no strategy whatsoever had been prepared in the case of any problem,” Bachir says. “It shows the Brotherhood’s incompetence and the disaster that they created by taking power. What a mistake!”
Around him, he recognizes at least “200 people, some of them living in secret like I am.” That day, in the heat and swarm of the demonstration, meetings are arranged under cover. News travels fast. The spokesmen of the new Youth Against Coup Movement have also been rounded up. Since the arrests of Morsi’s assistants, the ministerial staff, chosen during the Brotherhood’s time in power, is currently fleeing en masse. “We no longer have a leader,” another member says. “We are poorly organized. Luckily,
A military helicopter flies over the demonstration. The crowd breaks into applause, as if it were the last recognition of their strength, the proof that their history is not yet finished.
“The army has done good by wanting to do bad,” Bachir says. “A whole generation of Brotherhood members is about to retire, enabling young ones to take over.” That sly little smile is back: “Never mind the exorbitant price. I don’t think it is a problem if we have to pay it.”
A few members of the former government — such as the minister of youth — know that an arrest warrant hangs over them. Some find out by accident, while others are completely denied any due process. By now, most of them have vanished.
“In fact, nobody understands anything about the situation. This confusion maintains the state of panic,” another lawyer, also in charge of cases, explains. “Apart from the arrests at the top, such as the head of the government or the Brotherhood’s Supreme Leader, the new authorities are giving the impression that they are striking randomly anyone they can get their hands on, at the top or at the bottom, with a preference maybe for those who are closest to the media.”
The lawyer says he is deeply committed to the Islamist movement. Like all his fellow members, he refuses to consider that those on the run could turn to violence, “except of course those who are isolated.” And with so many hiding around town? He seems more and more distressed, not being able to answer. He starts asking himself questions: “What if the army had set up this operation to force us to take up arms and really turn us into terrorists?”
He gets up and comes back with a stack of paper. “Take them!” He speaks as if he had just been convicted, as if he were leaving his most precious belongings before the fatal moment. His lips tremble a bit under his trimmed moustache. The only sound left to be heard is Cairo’s deafening traffic against the office windows. “I’m expecting them too: They will come to arrest me.” 
In the Cairo streets, portraits of Army General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the nation's new military strongman, are posted on every shop. Yasser eventually fled, at the last moment. He is sitting in a café near the Nile. His eyes glance in every direction without being able to settle on anything. “Everything will get back to normal, won’t it? Do you think we will get the government back?” His phone rings. It’s his mother. He immediately starts lying. “I’m staying with friends. I’m safe. Pray for us.”
Then a message appears on mobile phones all over the city: a car bomb has just exploded outside the Ministry of the Interior.

About this article source Website: http://www.lemonde.fr/

8/23/2013

An Illustrated History of the #Muslim_Brotherhood #Egypt

A half-century journey from the underground to the corridors of power.


 

#Muslim_Brotherhood - Underground History #Egypt #MB

The Muslim Brotherhood began organizing in America in the 1956s.  They formed a variety of Islamic institutions and organizations as front groups for their activities.  These included Muslim charities, businesses and cultural centers.  The geographic center of their activity is Fairfax County



Virginia, near Washington, DC.  Various groups have interlocking boards of directors.  Many of the groups “were laundering terrorist-bound funds through a maze of shell companies and fronts” (p. 228).  This was an entire network of criminal conspiracy. 
 

Secret documents of the Brotherhood
 
The investigation of Ismail Elbarasse uncovered secret documents that revealed the depth of this conspiracy.  Elbarasse was a founding member of the Dar al-Hijrah Islamic Center in Falls Church, Virginia.  One of the imams of this mosque declared that Muslims could blow up bridges as long as civilian casualties were minimized.  Elbarasse was arrested while videotaping the supports of the Chesapeake Bay Bridge.  These seized documents were the archives of the U.S. branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. 
 
In America the Muslim Brotherhood has set up front groups to funnel money to Hamas suicide bombers while their front groups project an image of peace.  The Muslim Brotherhood aims to Islamize America.  It does this by building an Islamic ‘infrastructure’ that will eventually rule America.  It has become deeply entrenched in America as it seeks to undermine the country from within. 
Documents seized in Elbarasses’ home showed the goals of the Muslim Brotherhood.  It seeks to replace the United States Constitution with Islamic, Shariah law.  Leader Mohammed Akram Adlouni wrote,
 


                 


“The Ikhwan (Brotherhood) must understand that their work in
      America is
     a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the Western 
     civilization from within, and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by the
     hands of the believers, so that it is eliminated and Allah’s religion
     is made victorious over all other religions” (p. 230). 
 
The documents listed thirty major Muslim organizations connected with the Muslim Brotherhood and operated as front groups.  These groups included the Council for American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) and others, all of which use deceit to hide their real intentions.  
These documents were entered as evidence in the Holy Land Foundation terror trial.  The supporting names in the documents were listed as unindicted conspirators.  FBI agent John Guandolo says “every major Muslim group in the United States is controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood…It is a genuine conspiracy to overthrow the government, and they have organizations to do it, and they have written doctrines outlining their plan” (p. 231). 
 
Indictments and criminal activity
 
In 2009, Brotherhood leaders were sentenced to prison on charges of conspiracy in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism case.  Shukir Abu Baker, Mohammad El-Mezain, and CAIR founding director Ghassan Elashi were convicted of funneling millions of dollars to the terrorist group Hamas (p. 233).  The authors comment, “With each new indictment, the Muslim establishment in America looks more and more like a religious crime syndicate” (p. 234). 
 
“Ihawan Mafia” is a term investigators use to describe the Muslim Brotherhood because they operate in an “underworld of illegal activities conducted under the cover of fronts with legitimate-sounding names” (p. 236).  The heads of Muslim Brotherhood are divided into various wings; Hamas, Saudi Arabia, Pakistani, and the founding ‘nucleus’, the Islamic Society of North America.  The authors identify the five fundamental goals of the Muslim Brotherhood:
 
                “1.  Supporting Palestinian terrorists and seeking Israel’s destruction.
                 2.  Gutting U.S. anti-terrorism laws.
                 3.  Loosening Muslim immigration.
                 4.  Converting Americans to Islam, with a special focus on Hispanic
          immigrants and black inmates and soldiers (attractive white
          Christian women are another prize conversion).
                 5.  Infiltrating the government and institutionalizing Shariah law in America” 
                                                                                   (p. 238)
       
Mosques
 
The Muslim Brotherhood conducts its secret business behind the façade of religion.  Mosques serve as recruiting centers for the Grand Jihad.  Brotherhood documents reveal that the mosques will “prepare us and supply our battalions in addition to being the ‘niche’ of our prayers” (p. 244).  The United States Constitution gives religious liberty to all its citizens and this provides cover for the Brotherhood.  Brotherhood internal documents reveal they consider the United States “our Dar al-Arqam’ – our safehouse (p. 245). 
 
This hiding behind a major religion is calculated.  The authors observe, “Fearing accusations of religious bigotry, Washington is still reluctant to aggressively prosecute it” (p. 245).  Notice how criticism of Islam is treated by the liberal-leftist media.  Anyone who raises questions about the peaceful image of Islam or criticizes Islam is labeled a bigot, hate-monger or Islamophobe.  This too is part of Sharia law where no criticism of Mohammad or Islam is allowed.  Non-Muslims must learn not to challenge Islam.  They must lower their eyes and bow to Islam. 



Jihadwatch.com

This is a helpful website to keep up on what Islamists are doing to undermine our democratic government.


8/22/2013

Documenting the crimes of the #Muslim_Brotherhood in #Egypt

Short Documentary | Brotherhood Crimes

 

some in international community meddling in Egypt's decision to forcibly evict the pro-Morsi sit-ins, saying countries overlooked Brotherhood crimes

 

 


MB supporter terrorists threatenes to burn the country after being arrested at Al Nahda sit in 


Muslims Brotherhood resisting police during the disengagement of the sit in at Rab3a al Adaweya

Weapons that have been seized during the disengagement of the sit in at Al Nahda



Security found a coffin filled with ammunition, pistols, cartridges at Al Nahda sit in

Brotherhood burning tents and belongings before Disengagement their sit-in

Violence and attacks of government installations in



A fire set on in a church in Minya





More than 20 dead bodies found under Rab3a Al Adaweya platform


Brotherhood elements ignite fires in Cairo


Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots


Protesters setting fire at Rabaa Al Adaweya mosque before departure





#UP Date

Muslim Brotherhood leader Walid Khatab says “The streets would sink in blood and the police and army are of no value to us
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tm887hVNM-A
A Morsi supporter threatenes to burn the country after being arrested at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6g49VlsGtd0
Muslims Brotherhood resisting police during the disengagement of the sit in at Rab3a al Adaweya
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GO3Rh3OdDOg
Weapons that have been seized during the disengagement of the sit in at Al Nahda
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=owIS8IqiRek
Security found a coffin filled with ammunition, pistols, cartridges at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kIAX41kLkdY
Brotherhood burning tents and belongings before Disengagement their sit-in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdkb0XfYrJ0
Violence and attacks of government installations in Egypt
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RkGn7h_eeuY
A fire set on in a church in Minya
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KRNq3KCSmhw
More than 20 dead bodies found under Rab3a Al Adaweya platform
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1paxyysbOBc
Brotherhood elements ignite fires in Cairo
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=REZv5E4bFvk
Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TTTTNpgsRKY
Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6JdL9lPU9mw
Police seized a large quantity of weapons and live ammunition at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lROCtr2hyNU
Scenes of the killing os Kerdasa Department officers by members of the Muslim Brotherhood
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ljuk2WH3iYE
Dragging and killing of a taxi driver by supporters of the outsed president in Alexandria
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4VYsU9goF74
Protesters setting fire at Rabaa Al Adaweya mosque before departure
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZsLd6GOI7yg&feature=share
Field execution chamber and the gallows at the hospital at Rabaa Al Adaweya
http://videoyoum7.com/?p=218865
Worldwide scandal broadcasted by the Egyptian television of the Muslim Brotherhood and watch what they did
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yfoWLuro-X8&feature=share
Muslims Brotherhood tried to kill photographers while being filmed using their gunshttps:
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=544233678957492
crime:muslims brotherhood killing egyptian by pushing them above buildings
http://youtu.be/XiXOZFV7RNk