She believes that the woman, who hit her in the face, did so because she was wearing a headscarf. Police said they believed the attacker was “disturbed”.
Zeliha Cicek is the third Muslim to have been assaulted in Vienna in the last month.
Cicek, a school teacher and mother of three children, is ethnically Turkish. She said she was talking to her sister on an U3 underground train on her mobile phone when the woman started shouting at her in English. “I calmly told her she could speak to me in German and suddenly she stood up and slapped me in the face. I dropped my phone and it broke, I was so shocked,” she said.
An English man came to Cicek’s aid but the angry woman scratched his face. She got out of the train at Stephansplatz – and despite Cicek screaming that she had attacked her the woman was able to flee without being stopped.
Cicek told the Kurier newspaper that she didn’t believe that the woman was drunk or mad. “The English man also thought that she had a problem with me wearing the headscarf,” she said.
In August two elderly Muslim ladies wearing headscarves were attacked in Favoritenstraße. Police were reportedly slow to respond to this incident, and only began questioning suspects days after.
Austria’s Islamic Religious Community Association said that Muslims often experience discrimination in Austria but that “it is not well documented”. Spokeswoman Carla Amina Baghajati said that the association plans to start collecting data on all religiously motivated incidents. However, she said she did not believe that the police lacked sensitivity to the issue.
Interior Minister Johanna Mikl-Leitner again warned against the “spread of hatred and incitement by populists. They become complicit when it comes to attacks on innocent people.”
Fighting between Shia rebels and Sunni militias in Yemen has escalated, with clashes on the edge of the capital.
Armed rebels, known as Houthis, shelled buildings of the state TV and the main Sunni Islamist party, Islah, in Sanaa.
Hundreds of residents have fled their homes and international flights to the city have been suspended.
About 40 people have been killed since Tuesday, reports say. The rebels have staged protests for weeks, demanding political and economic reforms.
President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi has dismissed the government and promised to review a decision to cut fuel subsidies.
Over the past few weeks the rebels have occupied protest camps on the road to the airport and staged sit-ins at ministry buildings, as well as clashed with fighters loyal to Islah.
On Thursday night Houthi fighters attacked the state television headquarters in Sanaa.
"The Houthi group is continuing to shell the television building with all kinds of weapons until this moment," the channel said on Friday morning.
As fighting intensified, foreign airlines suspended flights to the Sanaa.
"Arab and foreign airlines have decided to suspend their flights to Sanaa for 24 hours because of developments in the capital," the Civil Aviation Authority said in a statement on state news agency Saba.
The measures could be extended depending on the security situation, the statement added.
update : 9/20/2014
More footage of fighting from today: https://t.co/CzpT1jPFzq While watching realised additional gunfire I was hearing was in realtime #Yemen
— Iona Craig أيونا (@ionacraig) September 19, 2014
A suicide bomber rammed his explosive-laden car into one of two buses carrying off-duty soldiers in Egypt’s turbulent northern Sinai region, killing 10 and seriously wounding 35, military officials said.
They said the bomber struck as the buses travelled between the border town of Rafah and the coastal city of el-Arish. The explosion damaged bothvehicles. The 10 victims were the bus’s driver, three members of a security detail and six of the off-duty soldiers, according to a statement by Colonel Mohammed Ahmed Ali, a military spokesman.
“The precious blood of our sons strengthens our resolve to cleanse Egypt and shield its sons from violence and treacherous terrorism,” he wrote on his Facebook page.
-->
The wounded were being treated in military hospitals, he said.
The soldiers belong to the 2nd Field Army, which is doing most of the fighting against Islamic militants waging an insurgency against security forces in Sinai. The buses were on their way to Cairo, the officials said.
The northern Sinai region, which borders Gaza and Israel, has been restless for years, but attacks have grown more frequent and deadlier since Islamist President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in July.
There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, but suicide car bombings are a signature method by militant groups linked to or inspired by al-Qaida. It was the latest in a series of similar attacks targeting army and police facilities and checkpoints. In August, gunmen pulled 25 police conscripts off minibuses in the Sinai and shot them dead by the side of the main road linking Rafah to el-Arish.
Northern Sinai’s violence occasionally has spilled over into cities in the southern part of the peninsula as well as mainland Egypt, targeting police, soldiers and politicians. In September, the Interior Minister, who is in charge of the police, survived an assassination attempt by a suicide carbomber. Earlier this week, a senior security officer who monitors Islamist groups, including Mr Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood, was shot dead as he drove in Cairo’s eastern Nasr City district.
The Muslim Brotherhood began organizing in
America in the 1956s. They formed a variety of Islamic
institutions and organizations as front groups for their
activities. These included Muslim charities, businesses and
cultural centers. The geographic center of their activity is
Fairfax County,
Virginia, near Washington, DC. Various groups have interlocking
boards of directors. Many of the groups “were laundering
terrorist-bound funds through a maze of shell companies and
fronts” (p. 228). This was an entire network of criminal
conspiracy.
Secret documents of the Brotherhood
The investigation of Ismail Elbarasse uncovered secret documents that
revealed the depth of this conspiracy. Elbarasse was a founding
member of the Dar al-Hijrah Islamic Center in
Falls Church, Virginia. One of the imams of this mosque
declared that Muslims could blow up bridges as long as civilian
casualties were minimized. Elbarasse was arrested while
videotaping the supports of the Chesapeake Bay
Bridge. These seized documents were the archives of the U.S.
branch of the Muslim Brotherhood.
In America
the Muslim Brotherhood has set up front groups to funnel money
to Hamas suicide bombers while their front groups project an
image of peace. The Muslim Brotherhood aims to Islamize
America. It does this by building an Islamic ‘infrastructure’
that will eventually rule America. It has become deeply
entrenched in America as it seeks to undermine the country from
within.
Documents seized in Elbarasses’ home showed the goals of the Muslim
Brotherhood. It seeks to replace the United States Constitution
with Islamic, Shariah law. Leader Mohammed Akram Adlouni wrote,
“The Ikhwan
(Brotherhood) must understand that their work in
America is
a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the
Western
civilization from within, and ‘sabotaging’ its
miserable house by the
hands of the believers, so that it is eliminated and
Allah’s religion
is made victorious over all other religions” (p. 230).
The documents listed thirty major Muslim organizations connected with the
Muslim Brotherhood and operated as front groups. These groups
included the Council for American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the
Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) and others, all of which
use deceit to hide their real intentions.
These documents were entered as evidence in the Holy Land Foundation
terror trial. The supporting names in the documents were listed
as unindicted conspirators. FBI agent John Guandolo says “every
major Muslim group in the
United States is controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood…It is a
genuine conspiracy to overthrow the government, and they have
organizations to do it, and they have written doctrines
outlining their plan” (p. 231).
Indictments and criminal activity
In 2009, Brotherhood leaders were sentenced to prison on charges of
conspiracy in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism case. Shukir
Abu Baker, Mohammad El-Mezain, and CAIR founding director
Ghassan Elashi were convicted of funneling millions of dollars
to the terrorist group Hamas (p. 233). The authors comment,
“With each new indictment, the Muslim establishment in America
looks more and more like a religious crime syndicate” (p. 234).
“Ihawan Mafia” is a term investigators use to describe the Muslim
Brotherhood because they operate in an “underworld of illegal
activities conducted under the cover of fronts with
legitimate-sounding names” (p. 236). The heads of Muslim
Brotherhood are divided into various wings;
Hamas, Saudi Arabia, Pakistani, and the founding ‘nucleus’, the
Islamic Society of North America. The authors identify the five
fundamental goals of the Muslim Brotherhood:
“1. Supporting Palestinian
terrorists and seeking Israel’s destruction.
2. Gutting U.S.
anti-terrorism laws.
3. Loosening Muslim
immigration.
4. Converting
Americans to Islam, with a special focus on Hispanic
immigrants and black
inmates and soldiers (attractive white
Christian women are
another prize conversion).
5. Infiltrating the
government and institutionalizing Shariah law in America”
(p. 238)
Mosques
The Muslim Brotherhood conducts its secret business behind the façade of
religion. Mosques serve as recruiting centers for the Grand
Jihad. Brotherhood documents reveal that the mosques will
“prepare us and supply our battalions in addition to being the
‘niche’ of our prayers” (p. 244). The United States
Constitution gives religious liberty to all its citizens and
this provides cover for the Brotherhood. Brotherhood internal
documents reveal they consider the
United States “our Dar al-Arqam’ – our safehouse (p. 245).
This hiding behind a major religion is calculated. The authors observe,
“Fearing accusations of religious bigotry, Washington
is still reluctant to aggressively prosecute it” (p. 245).
Notice how criticism of Islam is treated by the liberal-leftist
media. Anyone who raises questions about the peaceful image of
Islam or criticizes Islam is labeled a bigot, hate-monger or
Islamophobe. This too is part of Sharia law where no criticism
of Mohammad or Islam is allowed. Non-Muslims must learn not to
challenge Islam. They must lower their eyes and bow to Islam.
Jihadwatch.com This is a helpful website to
keep up on what Islamists are doing to undermine our democratic
government.
تم تدشين الحملة العالمية لجمع التوقيعات لكى يتم ارداج منظمة الاخوان المسلمين ضمن منظمات الارهاب الدولية ولمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها،
لمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة ما وصفهم بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء
فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها
تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها، حسب الصفحة الرسمية
للموقع. - See more at:
http://almogaz.com/news/politics/2013/08/18/1057029#sthash.wmdlIio3.dpuf
Where is Obama's condemnation? There is none. Instead, just days before the protests, the Obama administration asked the Coptic Pope
to urge the Copts in Egypt not to protest -- supporting sharia subjugation
of Christians.
And yet when Muslims allege they are being persecuted, Obama jumps at their back and call (ie in Burma, where the Buddhists are fighting back against jihad). Obama has all but abandoned religious minorities living under the sharia. It is despicable.
As the Morsi supporter said in this video:
"I am a religious Egyptian lady. I tell the Christians one word. You
live by our side! We will set you on fire! We will set you on fire!"
"Update: 23 houses belonging to Copts burned down," from DPA,
The situation has heated up in Naga Hassan village, west of
Luxor, after the killing of a Muslim man and the injury of a Copt on
Friday.
The number of houses belonging to Copts that have been burned is now 23.
Police fired teargas bombs to stop the clashes.
Police are protecting dozens of Copts at the police station near the
area where the clashes are taking place. Security has been enhanced
around Dabe’iya church, for fear of an attack. The police and military
troops have exerted a huge effort to end the clashes.
Two years after the revolution that
toppled a dictator, Egypt is already a failed state. According to the Failed
States Index, in the year before the uprising we ranked No. 45. After Hosni
Mubarak fell, we worsened to 31st. I haven't checked recently -- I don't want to
get more depressed. But the evidence is all around us.
Today you see an erosion of state authority in Egypt. The state is
supposed to provide security and justice; that's the most basic form of
statehood. But law and order is disintegrating. In 2012, murders were up 130
percent, robberies 350 percent, and kidnappings 145 percent, according to the
Interior Ministry. You see people being lynched in public, while others take
pictures of the scene. Mind you, this is the 21st century -- not the French
Revolution!
-->
The feeling right now is that there is no
state authority to enforce law and order, and therefore everybody thinks that
everything is permissible. And that, of course, creates a lot of fear and
anxiety.
You can't expect Egypt to have a normal
economic life under such circumstances. People are very worried. People who
have money are not investing -- neither Egyptians nor foreigners. In a situation
where law and order is spotty and you don't see institutions performing their
duties, when you don't know what will happen tomorrow, obviously you hold back.
As a result, Egypt's foreign reserves have been depleted, the budget deficit
will be 12 percent this year, and the pound is being devalued. Roughly a
quarter of our youth wake up in the morning and have no jobs to go to. In every
area, the economic fundamentals are not there.
Egypt could risk a default on its foreign debt
over the next few months, and the government is desperately trying to get a
credit line from here and there -- but that's not how to get the economy back to
work. You need foreign investment, you need sound economic policies, you need
functioning institutions, and you need skilled labor.
So far, however, the Egyptian government has
only offered a patchwork vision and ad hoc economic policies, with no steady
hand at the helm of the state. The government adopted some austerity measures
in December to satisfy certain IMF requirements, only to repeal them by morning. Meanwhile, prices are soaring and
the situation is becoming untenable, particularly for the nearly half of
Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.
-->
The executive branch has no clue how to run
Egypt. It's not a question of whether they are Muslim Brothers or liberals -- it's
a question of people who have no vision or experience. They do not know how to
diagnose the problem and then provide the solution. They are simply not
qualified to govern.
Muhammad Haza’a is one of some 180 people facing death in Yemeni
prisons for crimes they allegedly committed when they were under 18.
-->
-->
He is due to be taken out of his crowded prison cell tomorrow morning and shot.
Those who supported our call last week to save him from execution
appear to have bought him a precious extra week of life, but would have
hoped that his case be reopened and dealt with justly, according to the
law, not that he would be subjected to a cold-blooded killing.
We were shocked when we first received the phone call that Muhammad Haza’a was going to be executed within 24 hours.
Capital punishment is unfortunately common enough in Yemen, but the
authorities would normally at least grant the prisoner a couple of days
between formally telling them and ending their life.
Equally shocking was the fact that Muhammad had “proof” that he was under 18 at the time of his alleged crime.
We only had a few hours to do something. We had lists of alleged
juvenile offenders on death row in Yemen, but Muhammad’s name was not on
them. We knew nothing about him or his case. Yet we trusted our source
and knew that the information he had provided us was highly likely to be
correct.
Our source had himself been about to be executed a few years ago as a
juvenile offender, when Amnesty International, with the help of other
organizations, intervened; he felt that Amnesty International saved his
life and regularly supports our work.
After we received the call, we urgently sent emails, made calls and
issued appeals. At first we only received automated messages by email
and were confronted with piped musical recordings by phone.
But one breakthrough here and another there soon created momentum.
International and local organizations jumped in and phone calls to the
Yemeni President and the General Prosecutor’s office brought the promise
that the execution would be postponed and the case reviewed.
That was on Tuesday, 26 February. Less than a week later, the following Monday, two parallel events occurred.
In the city of Tai’zz, where Muhammad has been held, the head of the
Appeal Court there filled in a form no longer than four lines and sent
it to the prison authorities. It probably took him or his assistant less
than a minute to fill in the blanks. The execution date is set for
Saturday, 9 March 2013, it read. He added a line underneath: “We advise
that security measures are taken on the above mentioned date of the
execution.”
That last line was added in anticipation of protests. There were
rumours that other death row inmates were planning to prevent the prison
authorities from taking Muhammad to his execution.
Rumours were also emerging that a demonstration in front of the prison was being planned.
Local and international activists were making calls and noise about
the unfairness and illegality of the sentence besides the inhumane
nature of the execution itself. The head of the court apparently
considered that all these calls warranted by way of response was a
single sentence of warning at the bottom of an execution order.
In the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, meanwhile, the General Prosecutor
signed a form ordering the prosecution in Ta’izz to refer Muhammad’s
case to the relevant courts for review on the basis that there remained a
dispute about his age at the time of the alleged offence.
Muhammad’s lawyer decided to personally take the form signed by the
General Prosecutor to the relevant authorities in Ta’izz because he knew
that if the document was faxed or sent by post, it would probably
either arrive too late or mysteriously disappear.
It took him around four hours to drive the 260km south from Sana’a to
Ta’izz. The lawyer was met, but the form was not accepted. Apparently
the Ta’izz authorities were too unhappy with the attention Muhammad’s
case had brought and so have simply refused to follow the laws of their
own country and forward a case to the relevant courts when being ordered
to do so by their superior.
It would surely be unconscionable for an execution to go ahead
essentially because some officials had felt emboldened to flout
instructions, but that seems to be the situation as things stand.
We continue to call on the Yemeni President, the General Prosecutor
and the relevant authorities in Ta’izz to immediately suspend the
execution of Muhammad Haza’a and to order a retrial that is fair and
does not resort to the death penalty.
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نحتل المركز الأول على العالم في البحث عن كلمة SEX في جوجل
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكن نسبة التحرش الجنسي لدينا هي الأعلى على مستوى العالم
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نُكفِّر كل من يخالفنا الرأي متناسين حرمة التكفير في ديننا ... نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا عندما نشتم بعضنا البعض نسب الرب ولا ننسى المحصنات
نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا لا نعتبر المرأة إلا أداة للمتعة والانجاب
نحن أمة متدينة .. ننظر للغرب على أنهم كفار ولكن في نفس الوقت نتسابق على أبواب السفارات للهجرة
نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا ننظر لأي امرأة تتزوج من شاب أصغر على أنها لعوب واستغلالية .
نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا نخشى العباد .. أكثر من خشيتنا لرب العباد !!!!
Afghanistan's iniquities are grotesque. At Kabul University
last week, zealots -- all men -- protested
a law that would abolish child marriage, forced marriage, marital rape, and the
odious practice, called ba'ad, of giving girls away to settle offenses
or debts. Meanwhile, in jails all over the country, 600 women, the highest
number since the fall of the Taliban, await
trial on charges of such moral transgressions as having been raped or
running away from abusive homes.
-->
It is tempting to wring our hands at such obscene bigotry, to
pity Afghanistan's women and vilify its men. Instead, we must look squarely at
our own complicity in the shameful circumstances of Afghan women, billions of
international aid dollars and 12 years after U.S. warplanes first bombed their
ill-starred land.
I have been traveling to Afghanistan since 2001, mostly to
its hardscrabble hinterland, where the majority of Afghans live. Over the years,
I have cooked rice and traded jewelry with Afghan women, cradled their anemic
children, and fallen asleep under communal blankets in their cramped mud-brick
homes. I have seen firsthand that the aid we give ostensibly to improve their
lives almost never makes it to these women. Today, just as 12 years ago, most
of them still have no clean drinking water, sanitation, or electricity; the
nearest clinic is still often a half day's walk away, and the only readily
available palliative is opium. Afghan mothers still watch their infants die at
the highest
rate in the world, mostly of waterborne diseases such as bacterial and
protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis, and typhoid.
-->
Instead of fixing women's lives, our humanitarian aid
subsidizes Afghanistan's kleptocrats, erects miniature Versailles in Kabul and
Dubai for the families of the elite, and buys the loyalty of sectarian warlords-turned-politicians,
some of whom are implicated
in sectarian war crimes that include rape. Yet, for the most part, the U.S. taxpayers
look the other way as the country's amoral government steals or hands out as
political kickbacks the money that was meant to help Afghan women -- all in the
name of containing what we consider the greater evil, the Taliban insurgency.
In other words, we have made a trade-off. We have joined a kind of a collective
ba'ad, a political deal for which the Afghan women are the price.
-->
To be sure, a lot of well-meaning Westerners and courageous Afghans
have worked very hard to improve women's conditions, and there has been some
headway as far as women's rights are concerned. The number of girls signed up
for school rose
from just 5,000 before the U.S.-led invasion to 2.2 million. In Kabul and a
handful of other cities, some women have swapped their polyester burqas for headscarves. Some even have
taken jobs outside their homes. But here, too, progress has been uneven. A
fifth of the girls enrolled in school never attend classes, and most of the
rest drop
out after fourth grade. Few Afghan parents prioritize education for their
daughters because few Afghan women participate in the country's feudal economy,
and because Afghan society, by and large, does not welcome education for girls
or emancipation of women. To get an idea about what the general Afghan public
thinks of emancipation, consider this: the post-2001 neologism "khanum free" -- "free
woman," with the adjective transliterated from the English -- means "a loose
woman," "a prostitute." In villages, women almost never appear barefaced in
front of strangers.
Doffing their burqas is the least of these women's worry.
Their real problem is the intangible and seemingly irremovable shroud of
endless violence. It stunts infrastructure and perpetuates insecurity and fear.
It deprives women of the basic human rights we take for granted: to have enough
food and drinking water that doesn't fester with disease; to see all of their
children live past the age of five. The absence of basic necessities and the
violence that has concussed Afghanistan almost continuously since the beginning
of recorded history are the main reasons the country has the fifth-lowest life
expectancy in the world. The war Westerners often claim to be fighting in the
name of Afghan women instead helps prolong their hardship -- with little or no
compensation. And now, as the deadline for the international troop pullout
approaches, the country is spinning toward a full-blown civil war. A handful of
hardline men shouting slogans at Kabul University fades in comparison.
How to help Afghan women? The road to their wellbeing begins
with food security, health care that works, and a government that protects them
against sectarian violence. Right now, none of these exist. I wish I could offer
an adequate solution to the tragic circumstances of the women of Afghanistan's back-of-beyond.
There does not appear to be one. Hurling yet more aid dollars into a
intemperate funnel that will never reach their villages is not the answer:
there is little reason to believe that we can count that such funding would be
spent on creating enough mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote
villages; build roads that would allow the women and their families easy access
to market; facilitate sanitation projects that would curb major waterborne
diseases. The impending troop withdrawal means that women's security will
likely go from bad to worse.
Is
it possible to ensure that some of the funding we now hand to Karzai and Co. --
an estimated $15.7 billion in 2010-2011, according to the CIA (and that's not
counting the infamous ghost
money) -- is distributed among the small non-profits that actually are
trying to make life in Afghanistan livable, organizations that create mobile
clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages, build roads that allow
villagers easier access to market, facilitate sanitation projects that curb major
waterborne diseases? This could be a start, but only if these organizations continue
to work in Afghanistan after NATO troops leave. That, too, is in question now: this
week an attack against the International Committee for Red Cross led the
organization to suspend its operations in the country for the first time in
almost 30 years. But wringing our hands at Afghan women's abysmal state and
shaky social status is not a way out. It is a navel-gazing conversation that
avoids looking squarely at our role in perpetuating the very dire condition we
condemn
Can you believe this? They are living in United Kingdom and hate it and say "UK go to Hell!
the question is that why they are still living there?
If possible please comment in English to other people see what is the
difference between Iranians and MUSLIMS opinion!!! ("Iranians" means
normal people NOT government)
..
يتشدق آل سعود بالصلة النبوية و أنهم من قبيلة عنزة العربيّة وذلك لتغطية
مؤامرتهم على الأمّة و على أصلهم اليهودي المنحدر من بنى قينقاع ، الذين
ساهموا بدهائهم وأموالهم ورجالهم الأجراء في هزيمة الرّسول وإصابته بجروح
في معركة أحد ، هذا إلى جانب حصار الماء الشّهير حيث كانت الرأسمالية
اليهودية تسيطر على كل آبار المدينة عندما منعوا النبي و قومه من الشّرب
مما جعله ...صلى الله عليه و سلّم يطلب من عثمان بن عفان أن يشتري منهم نصف
البئر لتشرب العرب و لينهي حصارهم .
و ما طرق اليهود الخبيثة الأولى و الحالية إلا نفس الطرق الخبيثة التي يسلكها سليلي بني قينقاع عائلة آل سعود ...
-->
في عام 1473 م بدأ تاريخ إنتساب بنى قينقاع للعرب حين سافر ركب من عشيرة
المساليخ من قبيلة عنزة العربيّة النّجديّة لجلب الحبوب من العراق وفي
البصرة ذهب أفراد الركب لشراء حاجاتهم من تاجر حبوب يهودي أسمه مردخاى بن
إبراهيم بن موشى و أثناء مفاوضات البيع سألهم اليهودي عن أصلهم فأبلغوه
بأنهم من قبيلة عنزة وما كاد يسمع بهذا الإسم حتى أخذ يعانق كل واحد منهم
بحرارة و يضمه إلى صدره مدّعياً بإنه من نفس القبيلة و أنّه جاء إلى العراق
منذ مدة بسبب خصام وقع بين والده و أفراد من القبيلة و قد إستقرّ به
المطاف في البصرة ، وما أن خلص من سرد روايته التي إختلقها حتى أمر خدمه
بتحميل إبل أبناء عمومته بالقمح و التمر و الأرز فطارت عقول شيوخ العشيرة
لهذا الكرم و قد صدقوا بأنه إبن عم لهم .
-->
وما أن عزم ركب قبيلة
عنزة على الرحيل حتى طلب منهم اليهودي مردخاى أن يرافقهم إلى بلاده
المزعومة فرحب به الركب أحسن ترحيب ، و هكذا وصل اليهودي إلى نجد حيث عمل
لنفسه الكثير من الدعاية عن طريقهم على أساس أنه أبن عم لهم و لكنّه وجد
مضايقة من عدد كبير من أبناء نجد لمعرفتهم بتاريخ قبائلهم و شكّهم في صدق
روايته مما إضطرّه إلى مغادرة القصيم إلى الإحساء و هناك حرف إسمه إلى
مرخان بن إبراهيم . وكانت ميزته و أهله أنهم على عادة يهود
الدّونمة يعتمرون الطرابيش الحمراء ويُطلقون لحاهم ويحلقون رؤسهم (لذلك كان
البدو يُطلقون على آل سعود أحفاد حُمر الطرابيش).. ثم انتقل
اليهودي مردخاي بن إبراهيم بن موشي إلى مكان قرب القطيف فأطلق عليه إسم
الدرعية تيمناً بدرع علي بن أبي طالب التي سقطت منه في خروجه لحرب معاوية
فتحوّزها يهودياً و قضى له فيها القضاء و بعد ذلك عمل مردخاى على الإتصال
بالبادية لتدعيم مركزه إلى حد إنه نصّب نفسه عليها ملكاً ، لكن بعض القبائل
عرفوا بوادر الجريمة اليهودية وحاولوا قتله لكنه نجا منهم و عاد إلى نجد
مرة أخرى حتى و صل إلى أرض المليبد قرب الرياض فطلب الجيرة من صاحب الأرض
فأواه و أجاره لكن هذا اليهودي مردخاى لم ينتظر أكثر من شهر حتى قتله و
استولى عليها و أطلق عليها إسم الدرعية مرة أخرى و تظاهر بإعتناق الإسلام و
دفع لتجّار الدّين و روّات الأنساب بالذّهب و الفضّة ليدعون له و ليزيّفوا
التّاريخ و يزوروا في الأنساب و يختلقون له نسباً يصله ببكر بن وائل من
بني أسد بن ربيعه و يزعمون أنّه من أصل النّبي العربي محمد بن عبد الله بن
عبد المطّلب صلى الله عليه و سلّم. و قد عمّر مردخاي بن إبراهيم
بن موشي، الذي أصبح إسمه مرخان بن إبراهيم بن موسى بن ربيعه بن مانع بن
ربيعه المريدي وينتهي نسبه إلى بكر بن وائل من بني أسد بن ربيعه، عمّر
الدرعية وأخذ يتزوج بكثرة من النساء و الجواري و أنجب عدداً من الأولاد و
أخذ يسميهم بالأسماء العربية المحلية ، وقد أنجب إبنه "المقرن" الذي جاء
معه من البصرة ولداً أسماه "محمد" ، وأنجب بدوره "سعود" الذي أنجب بدوره
ولداً أسماه "محمّد" ، والذي صار فيما بعد إماماً للمسلمين ، وهو الإسم
الذي عرفت به عائلة آل سعود ، وقد إلتقى الأمام محمد بن سعود بن محمد بن
مقرن بن مرخان ( 1744 - 1765 م ) بإمام آخر أسمه محمد بن عبد الوهاب بن
سليمان بن علي بن شلومان قرقوزي ( 1703 - 1792) صاحب الدعوة الوهابية و
الذي ينحدر هو الآخر من أسرة يهودية من يهود الدّونمة الذين فروا مع
المسلمين من إسبانيا إلى تركيا و إندسوا بأمر من زعيمهم سباتاي زيفي على
الإسلام بقصد الإساءة إليه و لتخريب الخلافة العثمانيّة و تفكيكها و
التّغلغل في المجتمع العربي و التّنفّذ في دولة عندما تنشأ من تفكك دولة
الخلافة .. .. المصدر : موقع البعث برس الإخباري التونسي
