#Egypt #Ikhwan #MB killed his own protesters to incite civil war

Video Egypt- Ikhwan( Brotherhood) killed his own protesters to incite civil war

So- called Islamic- faced Morsi’s brotherhood trying to incite civil war and this video prove everything

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#Egypt's Revolution II #July3 #Tahrir #UPDATED #June30

The army's deadline to the political powers or rather the Muslim brotherhood will be and it will force its own road map on everybody.
Today is extremely important thus I will use again live blogging once again to keep with what taking place in the country.

Egyptian army deployed heavily in All #Egypt #tahrir pic.twitter.com/Ztp0Wsl1Nk
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

#tahrir right now #egypt pic.twitter.com/oqvKCDrVsh
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

Dear World..It's over..we won again :) #egypt #tahrir pic.twitter.com/vpGc1hecuQ
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

Egyptian army on the Giza Bridge #egypt #tahrir pic.twitter.com/cSRNLO9sJT
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

Airport sources say 48 member of muslim brotherhood banned from travel. Private jets banned from takeoff. #egypt
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

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#UPDATED: #Cairo University clashes intensify leaving 22 dead, at least 200 injured #egypt

Clashes escalated near Cairo University in the capital's Giza district late Tuesday night, where supporters of President Mohamed Morsi continue to demonstrate.

According to the latest health ministry statements, 22 people were killed and at least 200 injured.  

Those injured included a police officer – Satea El-Nomany – who was shot in the eye, according to Al-Ahram's Arabic-language news website.  

Security forces have reportedly intervened in an effort to end the clashes.

According to eyewitnesses cited by Reuters, gunshots were heard in the area and police were seen firing tear gas.

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Pro-Morsi demonstrators began gathering outside Cairo University late Monday night in response to millions-strong opposition rallies demanding that Morsi step down.

Clashes erupted in the area hours before Morsi's Tuesday night televised address, in which he defied calls to step down, citing his democratic legitimacy. 

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The Ministry of Health 22 dead and 250 injured in Cairo University after a speech #morsi #egypt
— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) July 3, 2013

UNEDITED aerial footage of #Egypt's #June30 #protests #tahrir

UNEDITED aerial footage of Egypt's June 30 protests

[UNEDITED VERSION] Egypt's Armed Forces has released footage from protests that it has captured using Military helicopters. The video raises tensions between President Morsi and the Armed Forces, and shows the extent of the June 30 protests. Check out the completely UNEDITED footage below:

Watch #Tahrir live #Morsi #Updates #MB #Egyarmy #Tahrir #June30

Live Video: public demonstrations across Egypt

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#Egypt protesters send message to Morsi #30June "Live Updated"

Protests calling for the resignation of Egypt's President Mohammed Morsi and early presidential elections are taking place in the capital, Cairo, and across the country.

Opponents of the Islamist president are demanding his resignation but President Morsi has remained defiant, telling The Guardian that if he stepped down, it would only undermine the legitimacy of his successors.

#28June : A rehearsal For #30June #egypt

#28June : A rehearsal For #30June 

 

And people went to protest today. Egyptians vs. Egyptians , civilians Vs. Civilians or Non Islamists Vs. Islamists to be accurate.

Hundreds of thousands protests against Muslim brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi in rehearsal today across the country for the big day on the 30th. Also hundreds of thousands were there in Cairo protesting in solidarity with Muslim brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi.

The scene of Islamists was repetitive but the scene of angry citizens including first time protesters and NDPians in the protests along with the revolutionaries was rare.

Of course it was not that peaceful because clashes happened and we got over 500 injured. Ministry of health says that 3 have been killed including a US citizen who was stabbed in Alexandria unfortunately.  The death toll of the Muslim brotherhood is 5 up till now while 2 for the protesters as well 1 US citizen.

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Today several MB headquarters and branches have been torched and vandalized by angry protesters in Alexandria and Mansoura.

Here is a quick Storify report from photos and videos about the day. I am still updating it after the break.

Now leaks I knew earlier this week that things will be bloody in North Delta and the old NDPian leading figures will make it bloody in all possible ways so the army would intervene. I think I said it before. If you speak about peacefulness than you are either weak coward who lives in lala land or secret MB agent Online.

I do not underestimate the anger of the people nor the fact that everybody is denying that we are fully armed society now.

Tahrir square is full again but …

I can not be so happy that Tahrir square is full now , it has been full before by revolutionaries alone without MB or Mubarak loyalists or military loyalists. I can not be so happy because I see too much hate and anger blinding everybody.

Today I found a tweep comparing the Muslim brotherhood as the Jews in Germany before WWII reaching to the conclusion that a holocaust would be great for the Muslim brotherhood.

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I can not be so happy when I see that bearded men are being attacked in the streets and there are threats to butcher the Muslim brotherhood and their families like sheep.

I can not be so happy that Tahrir square is full when I see faces from those who called the martyrs of Tahrir and Mohamed Mahmoud street every possible name and accusing revolution of being a foreign plot bragging on how they are protesting in the square. Yes the square is for everybody but emotionally speaking I remember what everybody said in the past two years , it is curse. For God those people are still attacking the January 25 Revolution calling it a defeat , a setback and a foreign conspiracy.

Politically and realistically speaking I believe that we can not win the battle when we have different goals. This is the dilemma , the revolutionaries want their revolution back on track once again for democracy and freedom while the Mubarak loyalists want the military back and to end democracy.They got higher voice in the media now despite they need the revolutionary cover in front of the world.

Of course if anyone dares to speak about this matter online in Arabic he or she will be accused of being a secret MB cell spreading lies who is trying to split the unity of the great people’s revolution. I have had my share already for being called all sort of insults for saying this.

Anyhow to be realistic you do not need to be an expert to know that sooner or later the army will do something considering how the armed forces troops are deployed throughout the country. Whether it is going to be a full scale coup or soft coup I do not know.

Nevertheless I have to admit that greed and stupidity of the Muslim brotherhood will be studied and that the deep state in Egypt knew how to use that greed in order to return back to the scene just like knowing the weakness points of the 25 January revolutionaries. Unfortunately the revolutionaries and the people do not want to understand or learn from their mistakes like others.

#Morsi's speech #egypt

Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi has warned that continuing unrest is "threatening to paralyse the country".

In a televised speech marking his first year in office, Morsi said he had made some "mistakes" since becoming president.
Troops have been deployed across Egyptian cities ahead of planned weekend protests demanding his removal.
Ahead of Mr Morsi's speech, deadly clashes broke out in the northern city of Mansoura.
Two people were killed and 170 injured in fighting between supporters and opponents of the government, a health ministry spokesman told the BBC.
Morsi took power on 30 June 2012. His first year in office has been marred by constant political unrest and a sinking economy.
'Radical measures'

 

Anti-government protesters gathered across Cairo ahead of the president's national address

Speaking on Wednesday evening, President Morsi promised to introduce immediate and radical reforms in state institutions.
He said the polarisation of politics in Egypt had reached the stage where it risked destabilising the entire nation.
 Morsi added that he had done "his best to evaluate the situation" during the past year.
"I was right in some cases, and wrong in other cases," Morsi said.
"I have discovered after a year in charge that for the revolution to achieve its goals, it needs radical measures.
"Every revolution has enemies and every nation has challenges," he said, adding that he would "build on the positives and address the negatives".

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 Morsi's year in review

• June 2012 - Narrowly wins presidential election. Orders parliament to meet in defiance of a military decree dissolving it
• July 2012 - Submits to a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary elections were invalid
• August 2012 - Dismisses Defence Minister Hussein Tantawi and Chief of Staff Sami Annan and strips military of say in legislation and drafting the new constitution
• November 2012 - Rescinds a decree stripping the judiciary of the right to challenge his decisions, after popular protests
• December 2012 - Public vote approves draft constitution boosting the role of Islam and restricting freedom of speech and assembly
• March 2013 - Court halts his plans to bring parliamentary elections forward to April, citing failure to refer the electoral law to the Constitutional Court
• June 2013 - Puts Islamist in charge of 13 of Egypt's 27 governorships - controversially he appoints a member of the former armed group Gamaa Islamiya to be governor of Luxor

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But despite Morsi's initial conciliatory tone, the speech swiftly moved into a condemnation of named people he blamed for Egypt's problems, the BBC's Aleem Maqbool,judges and a journalist figured among those criticised, our correspondent says.

Anti-government supporters had gathered in the capital's Tahrir Square and outside the defence ministry ahead of Morsi's speech.

The head of the army earlier warned it would not allow Egypt to slip into "uncontrollable conflict".

Soldiers have been stationed in areas of the capital, Cairo, where pro-Morsi demonstrators are expected to gather following Friday prayers.

Armoured trucks are lining the streets in near Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque in the city's east, which has become a gathering point for Islamist protesters.

Troops have also been deployed to protect the presidential palace - the scene of previous clashes - and other public buildings in Cairo.

Fuel shortages Tensions in Cairo have been rising ahead of the demonstrations planned for the weekend, with counter-demonstrations by Islamists in support of Morsi planned for the coming days.

There have also been acute shortages of fuel in the city, leading to huge traffic jams as well as long and sometimes bad-tempered queues at petrol stations, adding to the febrile atmosphere.

 

Soldiers have been deployed across Cairo and other cities around the country ahead of the protests
Some Cairenes have begun stockpiling food in anticipation of street clashes between the two opposing political camps, with staples including canned goods, grains and frozen vegetables much sought after.
Gen Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi said the army was obliged to stop Egypt plunging into a "dark tunnel", in remarks which were seen as one of the strongest interventions since the army handed over power to President Morsi last year.
Anti-Morsi activists say they have gathered 13 million signatures on a petition calling for the Islamist leader to step down. They want early presidential elections to be called to replace him.
His supporters say any move to unseat him now would be undemocratic.
Many analysts say the instability and a continuing threat of violence have frightened away foreign investors and tourists.
There is increasing unemployment, particularly among the young, and the country's foreign currency reserves are falling.

'You Can't Eat Sharia' #EGYPT #Islamist #Ikhwan #salafi

Egypt is on the brink -- not of something better than the old Mubarak dictatorship, but of something even worse. 

BY MOHAMED ELBARADEI

Two years after the revolution that toppled a dictator, Egypt is already a failed state. According to the Failed States Index, in the year before the uprising we ranked No. 45. After Hosni Mubarak fell, we worsened to 31st. I haven't checked recently -- I don't want to get more depressed. But the evidence is all around us.

 

 

Today you see an erosion of state authority in Egypt. The state is supposed to provide security and justice; that's the most basic form of statehood. But law and order is disintegrating. In 2012, murders were up 130 percent, robberies 350 percent, and kidnappings 145 percent, according to the Interior Ministry. You see people being lynched in public, while others take pictures of the scene. Mind you, this is the 21st century -- not the French Revolution!

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The feeling right now is that there is no state authority to enforce law and order, and therefore everybody thinks that everything is permissible. And that, of course, creates a lot of fear and anxiety.

You can't expect Egypt to have a normal economic life under such circumstances. People are very worried. People who have money are not investing -- neither Egyptians nor foreigners. In a situation where law and order is spotty and you don't see institutions performing their duties, when you don't know what will happen tomorrow, obviously you hold back. As a result, Egypt's foreign reserves have been depleted, the budget deficit will be 12 percent this year, and the pound is being devalued. Roughly a quarter of our youth wake up in the morning and have no jobs to go to. In every area, the economic fundamentals are not there.

Egypt could risk a default on its foreign debt over the next few months, and the government is desperately trying to get a credit line from here and there -- but that's not how to get the economy back to work. You need foreign investment, you need sound economic policies, you need functioning institutions, and you need skilled labor.

So far, however, the Egyptian government has only offered a patchwork vision and ad hoc economic policies, with no steady hand at the helm of the state. The government adopted some austerity measures in December to satisfy certain IMF requirements, only to repeal them by morning. Meanwhile, prices are soaring and the situation is becoming untenable, particularly for the nearly half of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.

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The executive branch has no clue how to run Egypt. It's not a question of whether they are Muslim Brothers or liberals -- it's a question of people who have no vision or experience. They do not know how to diagnose the problem and then provide the solution. They are simply not qualified to govern.

#Egypt’s countdown to #June30 #Tamarod

What began as a humble attempt to translate countrywide discontent with the way President Mohamed Morsi has governed Egypt, the Tamarod -- or "Rebel" campaign -- has mobilized millions of Egyptians for a protest that promises to be epic on the anniversary of Morsi's inauguration. Although opposition forces initially kept the signature drive that demands Morsi's removal from office and early elections at arms length, nearly all of the relevant players in Egypt's transitional drama now recognize the campaign's significance and potential to affect change. Movement within the political opposition, including coordination meetings with the campaign and youth groups for a post-Morsi transition plan, suggests a fundamental belief that the June 30 protests could realize Tamarod's goal of replacing the president.

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Islamists who support Morsi's government, primarily from the Muslim Brotherhood, responded with a counter-signature drive of their own called Tagarrod -- or "Impartiality" -- to reiterate their faith (no pun intended) in the political system and the elections that brought him to power. Supportive Islamist groups have also called for a June 21 protest against violence. However, the counter-campaign's attempt to balance the scales only seems to accentuate the country's deeply divided polity. The Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsi supporters have repeatedly vilified the Tamarod movement and some have gone as far as labeling those who turn out to protest on June 30 as traitors or unbelievers. Calmer heads within the Islamist movement have taken a more centrist position. The ultraconservative Salafi al-Nour Party has surprisingly demonstrated one of the most level headed attitudes with its promise to refrain from participating in protests, but urging the Muslim Brotherhood and the government to make concessions to opposition forces to diffuse the volatile situation. Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh's Strong Egypt Party fell on the side of peaceful protests but stood firm against calls for a military coup to replace Morsi.

The revolutionary fervor and scathing vitriol between the two groups has gone beyond talking heads exchanging barbs in the Egyptian media. A number of violent incidents, not the least of which involved an arson attack by unknown assailants on one of the Tamarod offices in Cairo on June 7, and hours of clashes between Muslim Brotherhood and Tamarod campaigners in Alexandria on June 12, have heightened tensions between opposing ideologies in the days leading up to the planned mass demonstration and worried government security forces. The clashes involving attacks on Tamarod have prompted Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim to publicize its security plans for June 30, but interestingly confusing messages have come out of the ministry. Initial statements indicated a police withdrawal from demonstration areas but Ibrahim subsequently announced his commitment to protecting all citizens on June 30. Outraged Islamists called for Ibrahim to be held accountable for his initial refusal to protect Muslim Brotherhood headquarters and private property.

Other rumblings within the Morsi administration also indicate some fear within the government that impending protests may shake the foundations of the current system. Morsi reached out to the National Salvation Front for yet another national dialogue in an effort to subdue the rising tide but without suitable guarantees that any negotiations would lead to binding decisions, opposition leaders declined. Instead, Morsi met with the Islamic Legitimate Body of Rights and Reformation, an independent multi-party coalition of Muslim scholars that includes Salafi and Muslim scholars whose deputy chief threatened the opposition with counter-rallies on June 30. Tamarod members have taken a similar hardline stance, demanding nothing short of the formation of a presidential council and a technocratic government with an eye toward Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) President Manar al-Beheiry to replace Morsi.

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The scene is certainly set for what could possibly be a game-changing display of popular outrage. To hear either side of the political chasm talk of June 30, one might think an Egyptian Armageddon is right around the corner, with both sides bracing for an outbreak of violence. It is distinctly possible -- even probable -- that protests could come to blows. In past confrontations, it took little to provoke competing political forces into a street battle. Today, not only are the Ultras (the hardcore soccer fans who regularly clash with police) a factor, Black Bloc anarchists are also planning to join the protests adding to an already volatile mix, despite promises of nonviolent protests. "Popular committees" formed to prevent violence are just as likely to instigate as they are to prevent fights from breaking out. Even ordinary citizens, fed up with the dire economic conditions and a deteriorating quality of life, may have little patience for Islamists who may goad them into throwing the first punch. Some Egyptians who see no political or legal avenue through which to channel their disapproval have even admitted hopes of a confrontation to spark the army's intervention and another round of revolutionary change. In this highly charged political climate, all it takes is one angry reaction to ensnare an entire country.

Hopes of such clashes ousting Morsi, however, run into some heady challenges. The Tamarod campaign managed to surpass its goal of 15 million signatures calling for Morsi's resignation and snap elections. It rekindled the revolutionary flame sparked by its cross-party and youthful energy and captured the imagination of the silent majority in Egypt, but falls short of a legal avenue to realize a change in leadership. Currently, the constitution allows only a few ways by which to remove the president (articles 150 through 152): if the president falls ill or can no longer perform his duty; if he is charged with high treason and is subsequently impeached by at least two-thirds of the House of Representatives: if he puts his own presidency up to popular referendum: or if he voluntarily resigns. Anti-Islamist activists who argue that the constitution -- by virtue of the highly flawed process of its formation -- lacks the legitimacy to set appropriate standards for a post-revolution Egypt may be right, but neither opposition forces nor the judiciary have yet blatantly crossed the ambiguous legal boundaries that have guided (or misguided) it through its transition. The irony of Tamarod's support for the SCC's president to unconstitutionally lead the country is not lost on those paying attention. The judiciary, in particular, has remained conspicuously silent on the issue. However, judging by the SCC decision to allow the Shura Council to continue operating until a new parliament is elected, despite the court's ruling to invalidate the council, suggests its unwillingness to rock the boat.

With all of Egypt's dramatic twists and turns over the past two years, those who claim to know what will happen on June 30 will find themselves either wrong or lucky. The number of variables that factor into any one event outstrip the imagination every time. The truth is, no one can claim with any degree of certainty what might change after June 30, but Tamarod has certainly revealed how the deep polarization affecting Egyptian society at large might run deeper than previously imagined. It has tapped into a disaffected population that lost all faith in Morsi or that elections under his leadership could be free and fair. It has garnered the support of millions of Egyptians by avoiding the partisan politics that many citizens have come to abhor. Lastly, it has called on the aid of the army and the judiciary, the two institutions with the most support in Egypt, to lead the country to a new beginning. June 30 may amount to nothing more than a mass protest, but Morsi would be wise to take the advice of fellow Islamists, abandon the confrontational stance toward his detractors, and build the consensus that Egypt desperately lacks sooner rather than later. The countdown begins.

Tarek Radwan is the associate director for research at the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center. He previously reported on the Middle East with Human Rights Watch's MENA division and served as a Human Rights Officer for the United Nations/African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur. Mr. Radwan specializes in Egypt, with a focus on civil society, human rights, the constitution, and judicial issue

#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause

No more Morsi: Ghada Adel wants him ousted

The Egyptian actress that has had her lips sealed about her country’s politics is now letting it all hang out in a movement that calls for ousting President Mohammad Morsi and his party formed by members of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Ghada Adel has signed a petition for the “Tamarud” campaign passed around to all the citizens wanting him brought down.

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Looks like the leading lady has gained even more supporters for the campaign by Facebooking a pic with the entire cast of her upcoming television drama "Makan Fi Al Qasr" (A Place in the Palace).

 

The troupe are holding posters for the “Tamarud” in hopes of attracting additional peeps to sign the petition, according to the Middle East news portal Elaph.

 

Other celebs that have signed the petition include Khalid Al Sawi, Khalid Saleh, Khalid Abu Al Naja, Athar Al Hakim and famous Egyptian journalist Mahmoud Saed.

 

Will you join the celebs and sign for the “Tamarud”? Please share with us your thoughts on Ghada’s recent political openness.

من الاقصر ابناء النيل يتمردون. #تمرد في النيل قبل مايبقي ذكرى .................#مصر #الاخوان #مصر twitter.com/samy_qaid/stat…

— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) June 5, 2013

تعلية سور قصر الاتحادية وزياده الحرس اليومزود حرسك علي جدارك .. لو نفعوك كانو نفعو مبارك #تمرد #مصر
— حملة تمرد(@7amlet_tamarod) June 5, 2013

سر نجاح حملة #تمرد هو أنها لا تطلب من الموقع على الإستمارة أكثر مما يحتمل ... لا يمكننا أن نطلب من شعب فقير منهك أن يترك عمله ويقوم بعصيان
— هبة صالح (@HebaSaaleh) June 5, 2013

#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause حول #تمرد egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2013/06/tamaru…

— Zeinobia (@Zeinobia) June 5, 2013

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A Signature Rebellion

I got in a taxi on Thursday and within a few minutes of conversation the driver asked my nationality. This has been a sensitive question recently; last week an American near the embassy answered in the positive and was stabbed in the neck for his troubles. ‘I hate America,’ the assailant confessed afterwards.

For the taxi driver, however, it was an opportunity of a different sort. After I owned up to my nationality he leaned over to his glove compartment and…

… pulled out a sheet of paper.

In fact it was one of many, some signed, most not yet. The driver was preaching the merits of a new campaign to oust President Morsi, and wanted me to convey the message to America. they aim to collect fifteen million signatures to their petition, vaulting over the total number of votes cast for Morsi in the presidential elections. They claim two million to date.

Their grand finale is planned for June 30, at the presidential palace, one year to the day in which Morsi took office.

Here is the translation of their flyer:

REBEL

To withdraw confidence from the Brotherhood regime

The Rebellion Campaign

(to withdraw confidence from Mohamed Morsi ….)

Because security has not yet returned to the street … we don’t want you

Because the poor still do not have a place … we don’t want you

Because we are still begging from abroad … we don’t want you

Because the rights of the martyrs still have not been fulfilled … we don’t want you

Because there is still no dignity for myself or my country … we don’t want you

Because the economy has collapsed and is built upon begging … we don’t want you

Because you follow the Americans … we don’t want you

Since Mohamed Morsi the … came to power, the simple citizen has felt that not one goal of the revolution has been achieved – for bread, freedom, social justice, and national independence. Morsi has failed to realize them all. No security, no social justice – he is a demonstrated failure in the complete sense of the word. It is not fitting for him to administrate a nation of Egypt’s weight.

Therefore:

I, the undersigned, from my free and complete will, as a member of the general assembly of the Egyptian people, withdraw confidence from the president of the republic, the dictator Mohamed Morsi, and call for early presidential elections. I pledge to hold firmly to the goals of the revolution and to work on their behalf, spreading the Rebellion Campaign among the masses until we are able to achieve social dignity, justice, and freedom.

Name:

National Number:

Governorate:

Signature:

Would you sign?

#مصر عتاب الاحباب

عتاب الاحباب

 

«تساءلوا: كيف تقول:
هذى بلاد لم تعد كبلادى؟!
فأجبت:
هذا عتاب الحب للأحباب»
لا تغْضَبـِى من ثـَوْرَتِى.. وعتــابـــى
مازالَ حُّبــــكِ محنتى وعــــــــذابى
مازالتِ فى العين الحزينــــةِ قبلـــــة ً
للعاشقين بسحْـــركِ الخَـــــــــــلاَّبِ
أحببتُ فيكِ العمرَ طفــــلا ً باسمــــًا
جاءَ الحيــاة َ بأطهـر الأثـــــــــوابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ الليلَ حيــــن يضمنـــــــا
دفءُ القلــوبِ.. ورفـْقــَة ُ الأصحابِ
أحببتُ فيـكِ الأم تـَسْكـــُنُ طفلهَــــــا
مهما نأى.. تلقــاهُ بالتــَّـــرْحَـــــابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ الشمسَ تغسلُ شَعْــــرها
عنـدَ الغروبِ بدمعها المُنـْسَــــــابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ النيلَ يجــرى صَاخبــــًا
فـَيَهيمُ رَوْضٌ..فى عنــــَـاق ِ رَوَابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ شموخَ نهــر جامـــــــح ٍ
كم كان يُسكرنــى بــغيـر شَــــرَابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ النيلَ يسْجُــد خاشعِــــــا
لله ربــــًّــــا دون أى حســــــــابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ صلاة َ شعــبٍ مُؤْمــــن
رسمَ الوجـودَ على هُدَى مِحْـــرَابِ
أحببتُ فيكِ زمانَ مجـــدٍ غَابـــــــــر ٍ
ضيَّـعتــِـهِ سفهـــــًا على الأذنـــَـابِ
أحببتُ فِى الشرفـــاء عهدًا باقيــــــًا
وكرهـتُ كلَّ مُقـــــامر ٍ كـــــــذابِ
إِنى أحبــــكِ رغــــــم أَنى عاشــــقٌ
سَئِم الطوافَ.. وضـاق بالأعْـتـابِ
كم طاف قلبى فى رحابـــِـكِ خاشعًا
لم تعرفى الأنـْقـى.. من النـصـــَّابِ
أسرفتُ فى حبــــى.. وأنت بخيلـــــة ٌ
ضيعتِ عمرى.. واسْتـَبَحْتِ شَبَابى
شاخت على عينيكِ أحلامُ الصبـــــا
وتناثرت دمعـــا على الأهــــــــدابِ
من كان أولـَى بالوفاء ؟!.. عصابة َُ
نهبتكِ بالتدليـــــس.. والإرهـــــابِ ؟
أم قلبُ طفـل ذاب فيــــك صبابـــــة ً
ورميتهِ لحمًـــا على الأبــــــــوابِ ؟!
عمر من الأحزان يمـرح بيننــــــــا..
شبحُ يطوف بوجهـــهِ المُرْتــــــــَابِ
لا النيلُ نيلـُكِ.. لا الضفافُ ضفافهُ
حتى نخيلـُك تاهَ فى الأعشـــــــابِ !
باعُوكِ فى صخبِ المزادِ.. ولم أجد
فى صدركِ المهجور غيرَ عـــذابى
قد روَّضُوا النهرَ المكابـِرَ فانحنــــــَى
للغاصبيـــــــن.. وَلاذ بالأغْــــرَابِ
كم جئتُ يحملنى حَنِينٌ جــــــــــارفٌ
فأراكِ.. والجلادُ خلـفَ البَــــــــابِ
تـَتـَرَاقـَصين علـَى الموائـــــد فرحة ً
ودَمِى المراقُ يسيل فى الأنخــــابِ
وأراكِ فى صخب المزاد وليمــــــة ً
يلهو بها الأفـَّاقُ.. والمُتصـــــــابى
قد كنتُ أولى بالحنان ِ.. ولم أجـــــدْ
فى ليلِ صدرك غيرَ ضـوءٍ خــابِ
فى قِمة الهَرَم ِ الحزين ِ عصابـــــة ٌ
ما بين سيفٍ عاجز ٍ.. ومُـــــــرَابِ
يتعَبَّدُون لكــــل نجــــــــم ٍ سَاطِــــع ٍ
فإذا هَوَى صاحُوا: «نذيرَ خَرَابِ»
هرمُ بلون ِالموت ِ.. نيلٌ ساكــــــنٌ
أسْدٌ محنطـــــــــــة ٌبلا أنـْيَــــــــابِ
سافرتُ عنكِ وفى الجوانح وحشــــة ٌ
فالحزنُ كأسِى.. والحَنِينُ شَــرَابى
صوتُ البلابـِل ِغابَ عن أوكــــــاره
لم تعبئى بتشــــــردى.. وغيــــابى
كلُّ الرفاق رأيتـُهـــم فى غربتـــــــى
أطلالَ حُلم.. فى تـِلال ِ تـــــُرَابِ
قد هاجروا حُزْنـًا.. وماتوا لوعـــــة ً
بين الحنين ِ.. وفـُرقةِ الأصحــابِ
بينى وبينك ألفُ ميــــــل ٍ.. بينمـــــــا
أحضانـُك الخضراءُ للأغْــــرَابِ!
تبنين للسفهــــــــاء عشـًّـــــا هادئـــــا
وأنا أموتُ على صقيع شبابــــى !
فى عتمةِ الليل ِ الطويـــل ِ يشــــــدنى
قلبى إليكِ.. أحِنُّ رغم عــــــذابى
أهفو إليك.. وفى عُيُونِكِ أحتمـــــــى
من سجن طاغيةٍ وقصفِ رقــابِ
* * *
هل كان عدلا ً أن حبَّـكِ قاتـــلـــــــى
كيف استبحتِ القتلَ للأحبــــــابِ؟!
ما بين جلادٍ.. وذئــــــــــب حاقــــــدٍ
وعصابةٍ نهبتْ بغير ِ حســــــــابِ
وقوافلٍ للبُؤس ِ ترتـــــــــعُ حولنــــــا
وأنين ِ طفلٍ غاص فى أعصــابى
وحكايةٍ عن قلبِ شيــخ عاجــــــــــٍز
قد مات مصلوبًا على المحـــــرابِ
قد كان يصرخ: «لى إلـــــهٌ واحــدٌ
هو خالق الدنيـا.. وأعلـــمُ ما بى»
ياربِّ سطـَّرت الخلائـــقَ كلهَّـــــــا
وبكل سطـر ٍ أمــــــة ٌ بكتــــــــابِ
الجالسونَ على العروش توحَّشُــوا
ولكل طاغيـةٍ قطيــــــــعُ ذئـــــابِ
قــد قلـــــــتُ:إن الله ربٌّ واحـــــدٌ
صاحوا:»ونحن» كفرتَ بالأرْبَابِ؟
قد مزَّقوا جسدى.. وداسُوا أعظـُمى
ورأيتُ أشلائى على الأبــــــــوابِ
* * *
ماعدتُ أعرفُ أيْنَ تهدأ رحلـتـــى
وبأى أرض ٍ تستريـــح ركـــــَابى
غابت وجوهٌ.. كيفَ أخفتْ سرَّها ؟
هرَبَ السؤالُ.. وعز فيه جوابى
لو أن طيفـَا عاد بعـــد غيــــابــــه
لأرى حقيقة رحلتــــــى ومآبـــــى
لكنه طيفٌ بعيــــــدٌ.. غامـــــضٌ
يأتى إلينــــــا من وراء حجـــــــابِ
رحل الربيعُ.. وسافرت أطيــــارُه
ما عاد يُجدى فى الخريفِ عتــابى
فى آخر المشوار تبدُو صورتـــى
وسْط َ الذئاب بمحنتى وعــــــذابى
ويطل وجهُك خلفَ أمواج ِ الأسى
شمسًا تـُلـَوِّحُ فى وداع ِ سحــــــابِ
هذا زمانٌ خاننى فى غفـــــلــــــةٍ
منى.. وأدْمى بالجحــودِ شبـــــابى
شيَّعتُ أوهامـــى.. وقلتُ لـَعَلـَّنـى
يوما أعودُ لحكمــتـى وصـــــــوابى
كيف ارْتضـــيتُ ضلالَ عَهْدٍ فاجر
وفسادَ طاغيةٍ.. وغـــــــدرَ كِلابِ؟!
ما بين أحـــــلام ٍ تـَوارى سحْــرُها
وبريق ِ عُمر صارَ طيـــفَ سَرَابِ
شاختْ ليالى العُمر منـــى فجـــــأة ً
فى زيف حلم ٍ خــادع كـــــــــذابِ
لم يبق غيرُ الفقر يسْتـُر عَوْرَتـــــى
والفقرُ ملعونٌ بكـــل كِتــــــــــــــابِ
سِربُ النخيل ِعلى الشواطئ ينـْحَنى
وتسيلُ فى فــزع ٍ دِمـــــــاءُ رقاب ِ
ما كان ظنى أن تكونَ نهايتــــــــــى
فى آخر المشـــوار ِ دَمْعَ عتــــــابِ!
ويضيعُ عمرى فى دروبَ مدينتـــى
ما بين نار القهر ِ.. والإرْهـــــابِ
ويكون آخرَ ما يُطلُّ على المــــدى
شعبٌ يُهــــرْولُ فى سوادِ نقـــــابِ
وطنٌ بعَرض ِالكون ِيبـــــدو لعبـــة ً
للوارثين العرشَ بالأنســـــــــــابِ
قـَتـْــــــلاكِ يـــا أمَّ البلادِ تفرقـُــــــوا
وتشردُوا شِيَعًا على الأبْــــــــــوَابِ
رَسَمُوكِ حُلما..ثم ماتـوا وَحشـــــة ً
ما بين ظـُلـْم ِ الأهل ِ.. والأصْحَابِ
لا تخجلى ِ إن جئتُ بابَكِ عاريـــــًا
ورأيتِنى شَبَحــــًا بغيــــــر ثيــــــابِ
يَخْبُو ضياءُ الشمس ِ.. يَصغُر بيننا
ويصيرُ فى عَيْنى.. كعُودِ ثقـــــــــابِ
والريحُ تزأرُ.. والنجومُ شحيحـــــة ٌ
وأنا وراءَ الأفق ِ ضوءُ شهــــــــابِ
غضبٌ بلون العشق ِ.. سخـط ٌ يائسٌ
ونزيفُ عمر ٍ.. فى سُطـُور كتـابِ
رغْمَ انطفاءِ الحُلِم بين عيـــــــــــوننا
سيعودُ فجرُكِ بعدَ طول غيـــــــابِ
فـَلـْترحمى ضعْفِى .. وقلـَّة َ حِيلتــى
هذا عِتابُ الحُبِّ.. للأَحْبـــــــــــابِ

Egypt book blasts Brotherhood, becomes best-seller

#Egypt Egyptian book blasts Muslim Brotherhood and becomes a best-seller

 

An Egyptian lawyer whose dissenting voice got him thrown out of the Muslim Brotherhood examines what he calls the group's hidden radicalism in a book that has become a best-seller in Cairo.
Tharwat al-Khirbawy's "Secret of the Temple" has been dismissed by Brotherhood leaders as part of a smear campaign.

But its success points to a deep mistrust harboured by some Egyptians towards a once-outlawed movement that has moved to the heart of power since Hosni Mubarak was toppled and its candidate secured the presidency.
In its 12th print run since November, the book is being sold in upmarket shops and on street corners, pointing to a thirst for information about a group whose inner workings remain a mystery months after President Mohamed Mursi came to power.
Expelled from the group a decade ago, Khirbawy says he aims to expose dictatorship and extremism inside the Brotherhood. In the process, he has joined a media war being waged to shape views in Egypt's deeply polarised political landscape.
Asked to comment on the book, one senior Muslim Brotherhood leader dismissed its content as "fallacies". Another said that to comment on such a book would be a waste of time.
"I want to make all people know the reality about the Brotherhood," Khirbawy said in an interview with Reuters.
Khirbawy sees the way he was kicked out of the Brotherhood as an illustration of the group's authoritarian streak.
He was disciplined in 2001 at a "Brotherhood court" for publishing three articles that criticised the group for not engaging with other opposition parties - a criticism still levelled at the Brotherhood today. "The Brotherhood does not know the virtue of differences of opinion," he said.
Demonised for decades by Egypt's military-backed autocracy, the Brotherhood sees such attacks as propaganda concocted by opponents who have struggled to get organised and carve out their place in the new order.
But Khirbawy's arguments resonate among those Egyptians who believe the Brotherhood aims to subvert new freedoms for their own ends to set up a new Islamist autocracy - a view hardened late last year when Mursi unilaterally expanded his powers.
MURSI DEFENDS QUTB
Khirbawy has been extensively interviewed by independent Egyptian media that are broadly critical of the Brotherhood.
In his book, he explores the ideology of Mursi and the small group of leaders at the top of the movement, examining their devotion to Sayyid Qutb, a radical ideologue executed in 1966 for plotting to kill president Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Qutb, a Brotherhood leader, formulated some of the most radical ideas in political Islam. These included the idea that modern-day Muslim societies were living in a pre-Islamic state of ignorance. His most radical work, written while he was in prison, advocated violence to bring about change.
Mursi is on the record as defending Qutb as a thinker "who liberates the mind and touches the heart". In a 2009 talk show appearance posted on YouTube last year, Mursi said Qutb "finds the real vision of Islam that we are looking for".
Among Brotherhood watchers, it is no secret that the Brotherhood's current leadership were heavily influenced by Qutb, who also wrote more broadly on Islam.
But "trying to give the impression that Mursi is a Qutbist is an exaggeration" said Khalil al-Anani, an expert on Islamist movements. "Yes they are influenced by him in terms of the purity of ideas, but not in terms of believing in violence or judging people as non-believers," he said.
Brotherhood spokesman Ahmed Aref said the movement, like all groups, had rules that must be respected, adding that it was not the first time a member had left over the years and spoken out. "The difference this time is the media," he said.
A well-oiled campaign machine and grass-roots support base helped the Brotherhood sweep the first post-Mubarak parliamentary vote at the end of 2011, but the assembly was disbanded in June when Egypt's highest court declared the election rules unconstitutional.
Suspicion that the Brotherhood plans to dominate Egypt means the group may find it harder to win votes as fresh parliamentary elections near.
"They don't have people who can explain themselves in a good way, particularly those who talk to the Egyptian public," said Anani. "There is a huge gap of mistrust."
(Writing by Tom Perry; Editing by Tom Pfeiffer)

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How #Morsi escaped from prison

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How Morsi escaped from prison

Gen. Issam Elkoussy warden Lehman 430 Wadi Natrun, who fled from Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi on 28 January 2011 that prison inmates smuggling operation was organized process, and did not have parents as frequency, a certificate that contradict what the President says Morsi.

The testimony came Elkoussy Brigade in the trial of a fugitive from Wadi Alnzeron prison during the period which saw the withdrawal of police on Jan. 8, the same prison that was inside President Mursi and a number of Brotherhood leaders, all of whom fled from custody