A Signature Rebellion

I got in a taxi on Thursday and within a few minutes of conversation the driver asked my nationality. This has been a sensitive question recently; last week an American near the embassy answered in the positive and was stabbed in the neck for his troubles. ‘I hate America,’ the assailant confessed afterwards.

For the taxi driver, however, it was an opportunity of a different sort. After I owned up to my nationality he leaned over to his glove compartment and…

… pulled out a sheet of paper.

In fact it was one of many, some signed, most not yet. The driver was preaching the merits of a new campaign to oust President Morsi, and wanted me to convey the message to America. they aim to collect fifteen million signatures to their petition, vaulting over the total number of votes cast for Morsi in the presidential elections. They claim two million to date.

Their grand finale is planned for June 30, at the presidential palace, one year to the day in which Morsi took office.

Here is the translation of their flyer:

REBEL

To withdraw confidence from the Brotherhood regime

The Rebellion Campaign

(to withdraw confidence from Mohamed Morsi ….)

Because security has not yet returned to the street … we don’t want you

Because the poor still do not have a place … we don’t want you

Because we are still begging from abroad … we don’t want you

Because the rights of the martyrs still have not been fulfilled … we don’t want you

Because there is still no dignity for myself or my country … we don’t want you

Because the economy has collapsed and is built upon begging … we don’t want you

Because you follow the Americans … we don’t want you

Since Mohamed Morsi the … came to power, the simple citizen has felt that not one goal of the revolution has been achieved – for bread, freedom, social justice, and national independence. Morsi has failed to realize them all. No security, no social justice – he is a demonstrated failure in the complete sense of the word. It is not fitting for him to administrate a nation of Egypt’s weight.

Therefore:

I, the undersigned, from my free and complete will, as a member of the general assembly of the Egyptian people, withdraw confidence from the president of the republic, the dictator Mohamed Morsi, and call for early presidential elections. I pledge to hold firmly to the goals of the revolution and to work on their behalf, spreading the Rebellion Campaign among the masses until we are able to achieve social dignity, justice, and freedom.

Name:

National Number:

Governorate:

Signature:

Would you sign?

الإيحاءات الجنسية لنظام الأخوان 

 

 

 

Change in Egypt #egypt #Morsi #Ikhwan #cartoon

Mubarak and Marsa same dirty face

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم #الاخوان #مرسى #مصر #Ikhwankazeboon

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم

تبدأ الحكاية بعد أن إتهمت بعض القوى الثورية وبعض النشطاء السياسيين جماعة الإخوان المسلمين وشبابها بالتعدى عليهم أمام مكتب الإرشاد وتباينت القصص والروايات حول لماذا تم افعتداء فالبعض يقول أن الإخوان أرداوا الإنتقام من خسارة إنتخابات نقابة الصحافة مع أن الإخوان لم يكن لهم مرشح مباشر فى هذه الإنتخابات ولم يعلن الإخوان المسلمين عن وجود مرشحين لهم فى هذه الإنتخابات وبالرغم من ذلك قالوا أن الإخوان المسلمين خسروا انتخابات نقابة الصحفيين كذلك قال البعض أن الصحفيين تواجدوا هناك لتغطية تواجد خالد مشعل فى مكتب الإرشاد ولقاؤه بالمرشد بالرغم انه لم يتم الإعلان عن ذلك ولم تصدر أى جهة تابعة للإخوان عن وجود خالد مشعل أو عن وجود لقاء بينه وبين المرشد داخل المقر بينما رد الإخوان على هذه الإتهامات من ناحيتهم عندما اكدوا أن النشطاء السياسيين تواجدوا امام المقر وقاموا بالسب للإخوان والمرشد كما قاموا بكتابة عبارات مسيئة ومهينة للإخوان والمرشد وحاولوا رسم بعض الرسومات او الجرافيتى كما يُطلق عليها فما كان من شباب الإخوان إلا انهم خرجوا لهم وإعتدوا عليهم وبين تلك الروايات وتلك وبين ضياع الحقيقة بين كلام هؤلاء وأولئك يبقى سؤال إستخدمه معارضى الإخوان فيما سبق ردا على أحداث قصر الإتحادية رددها كل المعارضين وكل القنوات الفضائية والصحف المعروفة بمهاجمة الإخوان وكان السؤال هو ..لماذ ذهب الإخوان أمام قصر الإتحادية ؟؟؟ ..فهل يمكن توجيه هذا السؤال الآن للنشطاء السياسيين وهل يمكن القول لماذا ذهب المعارضين والنشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان بالمقطم ؟؟ ولكن سوف نجد من يقول انهم تواجدوا فى مكان عام فى الشارع ولا يمكن أحد منعهم ولكن الرد سوف يكون بنفس الطريقة الإخوان هم أيضا عندما ذهبوا لقصر الإتحادية توجدوا أمام مكان عام من حقهم التواجد فيه سوف يقول البعض الآخر الإخوان ذهبوا أمام قصر الإتحادية وهم يعرفون أن المعارضة متواجدة هناك فسوف يكون الرد أيضا وهل عندما ذهب النشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان كانوا يتوقعون أن الإخوان لن يتواجدوا فى مقرهم ومن من الممكن التواجد داخل مقر الإخوان أو أمامه هل يمكن أن يتواجد المعارضين ؟؟
وبعد الأحداث السابق ذكرها دعت بعض القوى الثورية والعديد من النشطاء السياسيين للتظاهر امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم ردا على ماحدث لهم من شباب الإخوان وبالفعل حدث ذلك أمام المكتب أمس ولكن شهد التواجد الذى دائما مايصفه الإعلام بالسلمى بالرغم ما يخلفه من حرائق وحالات تخريب وإصابات نفس ما يشهده دائما تواجد المعارضة فى أى مكان إعتداءات ومولوتوف وحرائق وإصابات بالجملة وأحداث أمس طرحت العديد من الأسئلة كانت تحتاج إلى إجابات ورددها العديد من الإعلاميين وهى
(1) هل بعد إحتراق مقرات الإخوان والإعتداء على مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم وسحل وحرق بعض أفرادهم أمس هل بعد كل ذلك مازال البعض يعتقد انهم يمتلكون ميلشيات مسلحة؟؟
(2) هل من كانوا يرددون ان الإخوان هم من قاموا بموقعة الجمل وهم من قاموا بأحداث بورسعيد وهم من يغتصبون ويتحرشون وكل ماسبق من أفعال إجرامية مازالوا يعتقدون ذلك ؟ وهل لو كان الإخوان يستأجرون بلطجية ليفعلوا ذلك لماذا لم يستأجروا نفس البلطجية للدفاع عنهم امس ؟؟
ونحن هنا نقدم لكم مجموعة من الفيديوهات التى توثق وتوضح كل ماتم من احداث أمس امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم  

234 مصاباً في جمعة رد الكرامة والنيابة تحقق في دعوات التظاهر أمام مقر "الإخوان"

 

حازم عبدالعظيم: مليونية المقطم 22 مارس ستوجه رسالة للعالم أجمع مفادها أن الشعب لن يقبل بأن يحكم من مكتب الإرشاد

 حبس 6 شباب فى جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم.. والمتهمون يتهمون الشرطة بسحلهم http://ow.ly/2vHYRw

القوى السياسية تجدد دعوتها للمشاركة في جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام «الإرشاد»

«الوطن» تنشر شهادات معتقلى «سلخانة المقطم الإخوانية»

فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم

بالصور.. خالد علي يحمي مصابي الإخوان خلال اشتباكات المقطم 

http://ow.ly/jlsjE

11 فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم
http://files.elwatannews.com/video_49 

بالصور.. النيران تشتعل في أحد شباب «الإخوان» خلال اشتباكات «مكتب الإرشاد» http://ow.ly/jkqQo 

إضراب المصريين احتجاجاً على نقص الوقود #مصر

شفتوا الاضرابات علشان البنزين ؟

ولسه علشان العيش والرز والسكر والمرتبات وغيره وغيره

اتقلوا تاخدوا استقرار نضيف
-------------------------------
سائقو الميكروباص يقطعون «دائري المعادي» احتجاجًا على اختفاء السولار

 
 قطع العشرات من سائقي الميكروباص الطريق الدائري بالمعادي من الاتجاهين عند منطقة المنيب، صباح الأحد، احتجاجًا على نقص السولار وانتظارهم عدة أيام من أجل تموين سياراتهم.

وتسببت الاحتجاجات في حالة من الاختناق المروري في مناطق المنيب وشارع البحر الأعظم، وامتدت إلى ميدان الجيزة.

انتقلت القيادات الأمنية إلى موقع الاحتجاج وحاولت إقناع السائقين بإنهاء قطع الطريق واستخدام وسائل التعبير السلمية، ووعدتهم بنقل شكواهم إلى المسؤولين في وزارتي البترول والتموين، لكن السائقين رفضوا إنهاء احتجاجهم مؤكدين أنهم يصرخون منذ أسابيع ويطالبون الحكومة بحل أزمة السولار دون جدوى، وهو ما دفعهم إلى اللجوء للتصعيد.

#Morsi and El-Beltagy and Umm Ayman and policy of Brotherhood

#Morsi and El-Erian and Umm Ayman and policy of Brotherhood

فضيحة مرسى و البلتاجى وام ايمن وسياسة السرير

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How #Morsi escaped from prison

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How Morsi escaped from prison

Gen. Issam Elkoussy warden Lehman 430 Wadi Natrun, who fled from Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi on 28 January 2011 that prison inmates smuggling operation was organized process, and did not have parents as frequency, a certificate that contradict what the President says Morsi.

The testimony came Elkoussy Brigade in the trial of a fugitive from Wadi Alnzeron prison during the period which saw the withdrawal of police on Jan. 8, the same prison that was inside President Mursi and a number of Brotherhood leaders, all of whom fled from custody

The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi

On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.

However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 

To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.

The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.

The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.

Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.

The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.

The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.

Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.

Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.

Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.

Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

• Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
• Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
• Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
• Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president

Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.

They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.

It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.

Scroll down for video

Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men

Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration

Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.

Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'

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But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.

Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.

'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

Play Video

Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi

Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University

One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.

Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.

A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.

Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.

Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups

Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers

Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.

In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.

While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.

Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.

Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night

Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack

Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'

The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.

'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 

Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.

Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year

Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community

The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.

Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.

'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.

Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.

The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.

Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood

A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday

If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.

Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.

Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".

The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.

Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out

Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday

The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.

The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.

The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.

The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.

Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.

Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.

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 بما إن النهارده يوم مميز في التاريخ، حيث أنه الذكرى الأولى لنهاية العالم -اللي كانت المفروض تحصل النهارده، وكان لابد ألا يمر هذا اليوم علينا مرور الكرام.. لذا كان من الواجب أن يحمل هذا اليوم هدية معينة لفئة من نخبة نخب البشر ألا وهم “الحازئون”.

 الهدية اللي خدها الحازمون بالشفا ويا للعجب كانت من صنع أيديهم؛ حيث أنهم قرروا اليوم الخروج في مليونية حماية المساجد -اللي ربنا حاميها، وأي حد من الشعب مسيحى قبل مسلم بيحترمها.. قال يعنى المساجد محتاجاهم علشان يحموها، وقرروا أن تكون هذه اللمة الحلوة في محافظة الإسكندرية.. ناسين زي الهبل إن الإسكندرانية في الشتا بتبقى أعصابهم مشدودة شوية، ده غير إنهم ناس ماعندهمش صبر زي بتوع القاهرة، دول ما بيتفاهموش.

المهم، الشيخ المحلاوي صلى بالناس الجمعة، وكالمعتاد قال الدين والصناديق.. ولأ كفار ونعم جنة.. وشوية الشغل الضيق اللي بقى قديم ومكرر وممل.. الناس قالت الراجل ده شكله مش عايز يجيبها لبر، بس نخليها علينا احنا وربنا يهديه.. المهم الشيخ خلص صلاة والأوتوبيسات وصلت ونزل الحازمون والإخوان ومعاهم أكلهم وشربهم وسلاحهم الأبيض والآلي.. وللأسف الشديد كانوا غلطانين، ولكنه واحد من تلك الاخطاء التي قد تكلفك حياتك؛ حيث كانوا فاكرين إن إسكندرية زي مدينة الإنتاج الإعلامي كده، وحيقفوا ويبلطجوا ويدبحوا عجول وياكلوا لحمة براحتهم..

لكن الإسكندرانية الكلام ده ما يمشيش معاهم–اللحمة أساساً غالية والشعب كله بيتنشق عليها”.. قلبوها حريقة يا عم الحاج.. كر وفر وخطف وشغل حلو من بتاع الاتحادية، بس مش كل مرة تسلم الجرة؛ أهالي إسكندرية شكلهم كانوا على آخرهم من بعد تزوير نتيجة الاستفتاء عندهم.. وشكلهم كانوا مستحلفين للجماعة دول..

 المهم بدأت الغلبة تتضح لأهل إسكندرية على المحتل الغاشم، وكانت القشة التى قصمت ظهر الخروف، حينما بدأ الأهالي في إحراق أتوبيسات الحازمون هم والإخوان.. حرام يا عيني.. أهالي إسكندرية دول وحشين.. هما عارفين إن الحازمون والمرشدون لا يقدرون على الحركة بدون الأتوبيس.

المهم..إنه_ وعملا بمبدأ رجلهم حازم_ قام الإخوان بالهرب من المعركة مستغلين قصر لحاهم، ليتركوا أخوتهم السلفيين بين شقى الرحى.. ومبدأ حازم هذا يقول “الثائر الحق هو الذى يظيط في الظيطة.. ثم يفلسع ليلبس اللي معاه في الحيطة”.. ولبس السلفيون في الحيطة.. وعندما أدركوا أنه لا مفر من الغرق في بحر إسكندرية الهائج بدأوا بالهتاف: “سلمية سلمية يا أهالي إسكندرية”..

بس الأمانة لله يعني وشهادة حق أبو إسماعيل طلع وقال إنه كان هايلم رجالته بس الشاحن بتاعه اتسرق وتليفونه فصل وماعرفش يبعت لهم إس إم إس.

   

  في نفس الوقت الذى كان شيخهم عبدالله بدر يتبجح بأنهم سوف يدوسون جثث أهالي إسكندرية بالأحذية..

وفي هذه الأثناء كانت الشرطة تكتفي بدور المتفرج بأوامر عليا.. على أساس إن الغلبة هتكون لولاد ابو اسماعيل، ولكن تأتي الرياح بما لا يشتهى ابو اسماعيل نفسه، وينقلب السحر على الساحر..

 الحازئون استنجدوا بالشرطة “نفس الشرطة اللي كانوا رايحين يحاصروا مقرها في عابدين من يومين” لتنجدهم من الإسكندرانية اللي كانوا خلاص حيمسحوهم من على وش الأسفلت.. وفعلا الشرطة عملت كوردون حوالين الحازمون علشان تحميهم من الأهالي.. راح قام الأهالي محاصرين الشرطة والحازمون مع بعض.. وهاتوا كبيركم يطلعكوا من هنا.