'You Can't Eat Sharia' #EGYPT #Islamist #Ikhwan #salafi

Egypt is on the brink -- not of something better than the old Mubarak dictatorship, but of something even worse. 

BY MOHAMED ELBARADEI

Two years after the revolution that toppled a dictator, Egypt is already a failed state. According to the Failed States Index, in the year before the uprising we ranked No. 45. After Hosni Mubarak fell, we worsened to 31st. I haven't checked recently -- I don't want to get more depressed. But the evidence is all around us.

 

 

Today you see an erosion of state authority in Egypt. The state is supposed to provide security and justice; that's the most basic form of statehood. But law and order is disintegrating. In 2012, murders were up 130 percent, robberies 350 percent, and kidnappings 145 percent, according to the Interior Ministry. You see people being lynched in public, while others take pictures of the scene. Mind you, this is the 21st century -- not the French Revolution!

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The feeling right now is that there is no state authority to enforce law and order, and therefore everybody thinks that everything is permissible. And that, of course, creates a lot of fear and anxiety.

You can't expect Egypt to have a normal economic life under such circumstances. People are very worried. People who have money are not investing -- neither Egyptians nor foreigners. In a situation where law and order is spotty and you don't see institutions performing their duties, when you don't know what will happen tomorrow, obviously you hold back. As a result, Egypt's foreign reserves have been depleted, the budget deficit will be 12 percent this year, and the pound is being devalued. Roughly a quarter of our youth wake up in the morning and have no jobs to go to. In every area, the economic fundamentals are not there.

Egypt could risk a default on its foreign debt over the next few months, and the government is desperately trying to get a credit line from here and there -- but that's not how to get the economy back to work. You need foreign investment, you need sound economic policies, you need functioning institutions, and you need skilled labor.

So far, however, the Egyptian government has only offered a patchwork vision and ad hoc economic policies, with no steady hand at the helm of the state. The government adopted some austerity measures in December to satisfy certain IMF requirements, only to repeal them by morning. Meanwhile, prices are soaring and the situation is becoming untenable, particularly for the nearly half of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.

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The executive branch has no clue how to run Egypt. It's not a question of whether they are Muslim Brothers or liberals -- it's a question of people who have no vision or experience. They do not know how to diagnose the problem and then provide the solution. They are simply not qualified to govern.

We wish to inform you that tomorrow you will be executed

Muhammad Haza’a is one of some 180 people facing death in Yemeni prisons for crimes they allegedly committed when they were under 18.

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He is due to be taken out of his crowded prison cell tomorrow morning and shot.

Those who supported our call last week to save him from execution appear to have bought him a precious extra week of life, but would have hoped that his case be reopened and dealt with justly, according to the law, not that he would be subjected to a cold-blooded killing.

We were shocked when we first received the phone call that Muhammad Haza’a was going to be executed within 24 hours.

Capital punishment is unfortunately common enough in Yemen, but the authorities would normally at least grant the prisoner a couple of days between formally telling them and ending their life.

Equally shocking was the fact that Muhammad had “proof” that he was under 18 at the time of his alleged crime.

We only had a few hours to do something. We had lists of alleged juvenile offenders on death row in Yemen, but Muhammad’s name was not on them. We knew nothing about him or his case. Yet we trusted our source and knew that the information he had provided us was highly likely to be correct.

Our source had himself been about to be executed a few years ago as a juvenile offender, when Amnesty International, with the help of other organizations, intervened; he felt that Amnesty International saved his life and regularly supports our work.

After we received the call, we urgently sent emails, made calls and issued appeals. At first we only received automated messages by email and were confronted with piped musical recordings by phone.

But one breakthrough here and another there soon created momentum. International and local organizations jumped in and phone calls to the Yemeni President and the General Prosecutor’s office brought the promise that the execution would be postponed and the case reviewed.

That was on Tuesday, 26 February. Less than a week later, the following Monday, two parallel events occurred.

In the city of Tai’zz, where Muhammad has been held, the head of the Appeal Court there filled in a form no longer than four lines and sent it to the prison authorities. It probably took him or his assistant less than a minute to fill in the blanks. The execution date is set for Saturday, 9 March 2013, it read. He added a line underneath: “We advise that security measures are taken on the above mentioned date of the execution.”

That last line was added in anticipation of protests. There were rumours that other death row inmates were planning to prevent the prison authorities from taking Muhammad to his execution.

Rumours were also emerging that a demonstration in front of the prison was being planned.

Local and international activists were making calls and noise about the unfairness and illegality of the sentence besides the inhumane nature of the execution itself. The head of the court apparently considered that all these calls warranted by way of response was a single sentence of warning at the bottom of an execution order.

In the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, meanwhile, the General Prosecutor signed a form ordering the prosecution in Ta’izz to refer Muhammad’s case to the relevant courts for review on the basis that there remained a dispute about his age at the time of the alleged offence.

Muhammad’s lawyer decided to personally take the form signed by the General Prosecutor to the relevant authorities in Ta’izz because he knew that if the document was faxed or sent by post, it would probably either arrive too late or mysteriously disappear.

It took him around four hours to drive the 260km south from Sana’a to Ta’izz. The lawyer was met, but the form was not accepted. Apparently the Ta’izz authorities were too unhappy with the attention Muhammad’s case had brought and so have simply refused to follow the laws of their own country and forward a case to the relevant courts when being ordered to do so by their superior.

It would surely be unconscionable for an execution to go ahead essentially because some officials had felt emboldened to flout instructions, but that seems to be the situation as things stand.

We continue to call on the Yemeni President, the General Prosecutor and the relevant authorities in Ta’izz to immediately suspend the execution of Muhammad Haza’a and to order a retrial that is fair and does not resort to the death penalty.

Terrorism has no religion only in #Egypt government

الارهاب لا دين لة فقط فى مصر لة حكومة

Terrorism has no religion only in Egypt government

أمة متدينة

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نحتل المركز الأول على العالم في البحث عن كلمة SEX في جوجل

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكن نسبة التحرش الجنسي لدينا هي الأعلى على مستوى العالم

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا نُكفِّر كل من يخالفنا الرأي متناسين حرمة التكفير في ديننا
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نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا عندما نشتم بعضنا البعض نسب الرب ولا ننسى المحصنات

نحن أمة متدينة .. ولكننا لا نعتبر المرأة إلا أداة للمتعة والانجاب

نحن أمة متدينة .. ننظر للغرب على أنهم كفار ولكن في نفس الوقت نتسابق على أبواب السفارات للهجرة

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا ننظر لأي امرأة تتزوج من شاب أصغر على أنها لعوب واستغلالية .

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا نخشى العباد .. أكثر من خشيتنا لرب العباد !!!!

نحن أمة متدينة.. ولكننا لسنا أمة مؤمنة

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A Shameful Neglect

 Afghanistan's iniquities are grotesque. At Kabul University last week, zealots -- all men -- protested a law that would abolish child marriage, forced marriage, marital rape, and the odious practice, called ba'ad, of giving girls away to settle offenses or debts. Meanwhile, in jails all over the country, 600 women, the highest number since the fall of the Taliban, await trial on charges of such moral transgressions as having been raped or running away from abusive homes. 

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It is tempting to wring our hands at such obscene bigotry, to pity Afghanistan's women and vilify its men. Instead, we must look squarely at our own complicity in the shameful circumstances of Afghan women, billions of international aid dollars and 12 years after U.S. warplanes first bombed their ill-starred land.

I have been traveling to Afghanistan since 2001, mostly to its hardscrabble hinterland, where the majority of Afghans live. Over the years, I have cooked rice and traded jewelry with Afghan women, cradled their anemic children, and fallen asleep under communal blankets in their cramped mud-brick homes. I have seen firsthand that the aid we give ostensibly to improve their lives almost never makes it to these women. Today, just as 12 years ago, most of them still have no clean drinking water, sanitation, or electricity; the nearest clinic is still often a half day's walk away, and the only readily available palliative is opium. Afghan mothers still watch their infants die at the highest rate in the world, mostly of waterborne diseases such as bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis, and typhoid.

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Instead of fixing women's lives, our humanitarian aid subsidizes Afghanistan's kleptocrats, erects miniature Versailles in Kabul and Dubai for the families of the elite, and buys the loyalty of sectarian warlords-turned-politicians, some of whom are implicated in sectarian war crimes that include rape. Yet, for the most part, the U.S. taxpayers look the other way as the country's amoral government steals or hands out as political kickbacks the money that was meant to help Afghan women -- all in the name of containing what we consider the greater evil, the Taliban insurgency. In other words, we have made a trade-off. We have joined a kind of a collective ba'ad, a political deal for which the Afghan women are the price.

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To be sure, a lot of well-meaning Westerners and courageous Afghans have worked very hard to improve women's conditions, and there has been some headway as far as women's rights are concerned. The number of girls signed up for school rose from just 5,000 before the U.S.-led invasion to 2.2 million. In Kabul and a handful of other cities, some women have swapped their polyester burqas for headscarves. Some even have taken jobs outside their homes. But here, too, progress has been uneven. A fifth of the girls enrolled in school never attend classes, and most of the rest drop out after fourth grade. Few Afghan parents prioritize education for their daughters because few Afghan women participate in the country's feudal economy, and because Afghan society, by and large, does not welcome education for girls or emancipation of women. To get an idea about what the general Afghan public thinks of emancipation, consider this: the post-2001 neologism "khanum free" -- "free woman," with the adjective transliterated from the English -- means "a loose woman," "a prostitute." In villages, women almost never appear barefaced in front of strangers.

Doffing their burqas is the least of these women's worry. Their real problem is the intangible and seemingly irremovable shroud of endless violence. It stunts infrastructure and perpetuates insecurity and fear. It deprives women of the basic human rights we take for granted: to have enough food and drinking water that doesn't fester with disease; to see all of their children live past the age of five. The absence of basic necessities and the violence that has concussed Afghanistan almost continuously since the beginning of recorded history are the main reasons the country has the fifth-lowest life expectancy in the world. The war Westerners often claim to be fighting in the name of Afghan women instead helps prolong their hardship -- with little or no compensation. And now, as the deadline for the international troop pullout approaches, the country is spinning toward a full-blown civil war. A handful of hardline men shouting slogans at Kabul University fades in comparison.

How to help Afghan women? The road to their wellbeing begins with food security, health care that works, and a government that protects them against sectarian violence. Right now, none of these exist. I wish I could offer an adequate solution to the tragic circumstances of the women of Afghanistan's back-of-beyond. There does not appear to be one. Hurling yet more aid dollars into a intemperate funnel that will never reach their villages is not the answer: there is little reason to believe that we can count that such funding would be spent on creating enough mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages; build roads that would allow the women and their families easy access to market; facilitate sanitation projects that would curb major waterborne diseases. The impending troop withdrawal means that women's security will likely go from bad to worse.

Is it possible to ensure that some of the funding we now hand to Karzai and Co. -- an estimated $15.7 billion in 2010-2011, according to the CIA (and that's not counting the infamous ghost money) -- is distributed among the small non-profits that actually are trying to make life in Afghanistan livable, organizations that create mobile clinics to pay regular visits to remote villages, build roads that allow villagers easier access to market, facilitate sanitation projects that curb major waterborne diseases? This could be a start, but only if these organizations continue to work in Afghanistan after NATO troops leave. That, too, is in question now: this week an attack against the International Committee for Red Cross led the organization to suspend its operations in the country for the first time in almost 30 years. But wringing our hands at Afghan women's abysmal state and shaky social status is not a way out. It is a navel-gazing conversation that avoids looking squarely at our role in perpetuating the very dire condition we condemn

Arabs Live in UK and say ''UK Go to HELL''

Can you believe this? They are living in United Kingdom and hate it and say "UK go to Hell!

the question is that why they are still living there?

If possible please comment in English to other people see what is the difference between Iranians and MUSLIMS opinion!!! ("Iranians" means normal people NOT government)

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كيف أصبح آل سعود عرباً ؟

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كيف أصبح آل سعود عرباً ؟

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يتشدق آل سعود بالصلة النبوية و أنهم من قبيلة عنزة العربيّة وذلك لتغطية مؤامرتهم على الأمّة و على أصلهم اليهودي المنحدر من بنى قينقاع ، الذين ساهموا بدهائهم وأموالهم ورجالهم الأجراء في هزيمة الرّسول وإصابته بجروح في معركة أحد ، هذا إلى جانب حصار الماء الشّهير حيث كانت الرأسمالية اليهودية تسيطر على كل آبار المدينة عندما منعوا النبي و قومه من الشّرب مما جعله ...صلى الله عليه و سلّم يطلب من عثمان بن عفان أن يشتري منهم نصف البئر لتشرب العرب و لينهي حصارهم .

و ما طرق اليهود الخبيثة الأولى و الحالية إلا نفس الطرق الخبيثة التي يسلكها سليلي بني قينقاع عائلة آل سعود ...

--> في عام 1473 م بدأ تاريخ إنتساب بنى قينقاع للعرب حين سافر ركب من عشيرة المساليخ من قبيلة عنزة العربيّة النّجديّة لجلب الحبوب من العراق وفي البصرة ذهب أفراد الركب لشراء حاجاتهم من تاجر حبوب يهودي أسمه مردخاى بن إبراهيم بن موشى و أثناء مفاوضات البيع سألهم اليهودي عن أصلهم فأبلغوه بأنهم من قبيلة عنزة وما كاد يسمع بهذا الإسم حتى أخذ يعانق كل واحد منهم بحرارة و يضمه إلى صدره مدّعياً بإنه من نفس القبيلة و أنّه جاء إلى العراق منذ مدة بسبب خصام وقع بين والده و أفراد من القبيلة و قد إستقرّ به المطاف في البصرة ، وما أن خلص من سرد روايته التي إختلقها حتى أمر خدمه بتحميل إبل أبناء عمومته بالقمح و التمر و الأرز فطارت عقول شيوخ العشيرة لهذا الكرم و قد صدقوا بأنه إبن عم لهم .

--> وما أن عزم ركب قبيلة عنزة على الرحيل حتى طلب منهم اليهودي مردخاى أن يرافقهم إلى بلاده المزعومة فرحب به الركب أحسن ترحيب ، و هكذا وصل اليهودي إلى نجد حيث عمل لنفسه الكثير من الدعاية عن طريقهم على أساس أنه أبن عم لهم و لكنّه وجد مضايقة من عدد كبير من أبناء نجد لمعرفتهم بتاريخ قبائلهم و شكّهم في صدق روايته مما إضطرّه إلى مغادرة القصيم إلى الإحساء و هناك حرف إسمه إلى مرخان بن إبراهيم .

وكانت ميزته و أهله أنهم على عادة يهود الدّونمة يعتمرون الطرابيش الحمراء ويُطلقون لحاهم ويحلقون رؤسهم (لذلك كان البدو يُطلقون على آل سعود أحفاد حُمر الطرابيش)..

ثم انتقل اليهودي مردخاي بن إبراهيم بن موشي إلى مكان قرب القطيف فأطلق عليه إسم الدرعية تيمناً بدرع علي بن أبي طالب التي سقطت منه في خروجه لحرب معاوية فتحوّزها يهودياً و قضى له فيها القضاء و بعد ذلك عمل مردخاى على الإتصال بالبادية لتدعيم مركزه إلى حد إنه نصّب نفسه عليها ملكاً ، لكن بعض القبائل عرفوا بوادر الجريمة اليهودية وحاولوا قتله لكنه نجا منهم و عاد إلى نجد مرة أخرى حتى و صل إلى أرض المليبد قرب الرياض فطلب الجيرة من صاحب الأرض فأواه و أجاره لكن هذا اليهودي مردخاى لم ينتظر أكثر من شهر حتى قتله و استولى عليها و أطلق عليها إسم الدرعية مرة أخرى و تظاهر بإعتناق الإسلام و دفع لتجّار الدّين و روّات الأنساب بالذّهب و الفضّة ليدعون له و ليزيّفوا التّاريخ و يزوروا في الأنساب و يختلقون له نسباً يصله ببكر بن وائل من بني أسد بن ربيعه و يزعمون أنّه من أصل النّبي العربي محمد بن عبد الله بن عبد المطّلب صلى الله عليه و سلّم.

و قد عمّر مردخاي بن إبراهيم بن موشي، الذي أصبح إسمه مرخان بن إبراهيم بن موسى بن ربيعه بن مانع بن ربيعه المريدي وينتهي نسبه إلى بكر بن وائل من بني أسد بن ربيعه، عمّر الدرعية وأخذ يتزوج بكثرة من النساء و الجواري و أنجب عدداً من الأولاد و أخذ يسميهم بالأسماء العربية المحلية ، وقد أنجب إبنه "المقرن" الذي جاء معه من البصرة ولداً أسماه "محمد" ، وأنجب بدوره "سعود" الذي أنجب بدوره ولداً أسماه "محمّد" ، والذي صار فيما بعد إماماً للمسلمين ، وهو الإسم الذي عرفت به عائلة آل سعود ، وقد إلتقى الأمام محمد بن سعود بن محمد بن مقرن بن مرخان ( 1744 - 1765 م ) بإمام آخر أسمه محمد بن عبد الوهاب بن سليمان بن علي بن شلومان قرقوزي ( 1703 - 1792) صاحب الدعوة الوهابية و الذي ينحدر هو الآخر من أسرة يهودية من يهود الدّونمة الذين فروا مع المسلمين من إسبانيا إلى تركيا و إندسوا بأمر من زعيمهم سباتاي زيفي على الإسلام بقصد الإساءة إليه و لتخريب الخلافة العثمانيّة و تفكيكها و التّغلغل في المجتمع العربي و التّنفّذ في دولة عندما تنشأ من تفكك دولة الخلافة ..

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المصدر : موقع البعث برس الإخباري التونسي