7/05/2013

#Muslim_Brotherhood Killing the Egyptians #egypt #‘Update #MB

The fact of Morsi supporters,they tell all the world they are Peaceful  Protestersbut i fact they are Terrorists,Killers And Mercenaries.....

Today they did 17 dead and 450 injured and the numbers in growing ,,,,Publish ugly Real face 
of  Muslim Brotherhood
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crime:muslims brotherhood killing egyptian by pushing them above buildings
and Obama supports terrorism in Egypt , stop Obama



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  members are using the same pellets shotgun shells/slugs killed Geka and many other protestors







  destroyed police station in this morning



#Egypt #Ikhwan #MB killed his own protesters to incite civil war

Video Egypt- Ikhwan( Brotherhood) killed his own protesters to incite civil war

So- called Islamic- faced Morsi’s brotherhood trying to incite civil war and this video prove everything

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7/03/2013

#Egypt's Revolution II #July3 #Tahrir #UPDATED #June30

The army's deadline to the political powers or rather the Muslim brotherhood will be and it will force its own road map on everybody.
Today is extremely important thus I will use again live blogging once again to keep with what taking place in the country.

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7/02/2013

#UPDATED: #Cairo University clashes intensify leaving 22 dead, at least 200 injured #egypt

Clashes escalated near Cairo University in the capital's Giza district late Tuesday night, where supporters of President Mohamed Morsi continue to demonstrate.
According to the latest health ministry statements, 22 people were killed and at least 200 injured.  
Those injured included a police officer – Satea El-Nomany – who was shot in the eye, according to Al-Ahram's Arabic-language news website.  
Security forces have reportedly intervened in an effort to end the clashes.
According to eyewitnesses cited by Reuters, gunshots were heard in the area and police were seen firing tear gas.
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Pro-Morsi demonstrators began gathering outside Cairo University late Monday night in response to millions-strong opposition rallies demanding that Morsi step down.
Clashes erupted in the area hours before Morsi's Tuesday night televised address, in which he defied calls to step down, citing his democratic legitimacy. 
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UNEDITED aerial footage of #Egypt's #June30 #protests #tahrir

UNEDITED aerial footage of Egypt's June 30 protests
[UNEDITED VERSION] Egypt's Armed Forces has released footage from protests that it has captured using Military helicopters. The video raises tensions between President Morsi and the Armed Forces, and shows the extent of the June 30 protests. Check out the completely UNEDITED footage below:

Watch #Tahrir live #Morsi #Updates #MB #Egyarmy #Tahrir #June30



Live Video: public demonstrations across Egypt
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7/01/2013

#Egypt protesters send message to Morsi #30June "Live Updated"

Protests calling for the resignation of Egypt's President Mohammed Morsi and early presidential elections are taking place in the capital, Cairo, and across the country.
Opponents of the Islamist president are demanding his resignation but President Morsi has remained defiant, telling The Guardian that if he stepped down, it would only undermine the legitimacy of his successors.





























6/29/2013

#28June : A rehearsal For #30June #egypt

#28June : A rehearsal For #30June 

 

And people went to protest today. Egyptians vs. Egyptians , civilians Vs. Civilians or Non Islamists Vs. Islamists to be accurate.
Hundreds of thousands protests against Muslim brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi in rehearsal today across the country for the big day on the 30th. Also hundreds of thousands were there in Cairo protesting in solidarity with Muslim brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi.
The scene of Islamists was repetitive but the scene of angry citizens including first time protesters and NDPians in the protests along with the revolutionaries was rare.
Of course it was not that peaceful because clashes happened and we got over 500 injured. Ministry of health says that 3 have been killed including a US citizen who was stabbed in Alexandria unfortunately.  The death toll of the Muslim brotherhood is 5 up till now while 2 for the protesters as well 1 US citizen.
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Today several MB headquarters and branches have been torched and vandalized by angry protesters in Alexandria and Mansoura.
Here is a quick Storify report from photos and videos about the day. I am still updating it after the break.
Now leaks I knew earlier this week that things will be bloody in North Delta and the old NDPian leading figures will make it bloody in all possible ways so the army would intervene. I think I said it before. If you speak about peacefulness than you are either weak coward who lives in lala land or secret MB agent Online.
I do not underestimate the anger of the people nor the fact that everybody is denying that we are fully armed society now.
Tahrir square is full again but …
I can not be so happy that Tahrir square is full now , it has been full before by revolutionaries alone without MB or Mubarak loyalists or military loyalists. I can not be so happy because I see too much hate and anger blinding everybody.
Today I found a tweep comparing the Muslim brotherhood as the Jews in Germany before WWII reaching to the conclusion that a holocaust would be great for the Muslim brotherhood.
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I can not be so happy when I see that bearded men are being attacked in the streets and there are threats to butcher the Muslim brotherhood and their families like sheep.
I can not be so happy that Tahrir square is full when I see faces from those who called the martyrs of Tahrir and Mohamed Mahmoud street every possible name and accusing revolution of being a foreign plot bragging on how they are protesting in the square. Yes the square is for everybody but emotionally speaking I remember what everybody said in the past two years , it is curse. For God those people are still attacking the January 25 Revolution calling it a defeat , a setback and a foreign conspiracy.
Politically and realistically speaking I believe that we can not win the battle when we have different goals. This is the dilemma , the revolutionaries want their revolution back on track once again for democracy and freedom while the Mubarak loyalists want the military back and to end democracy.They got higher voice in the media now despite they need the revolutionary cover in front of the world.
Of course if anyone dares to speak about this matter online in Arabic he or she will be accused of being a secret MB cell spreading lies who is trying to split the unity of the great people’s revolution. I have had my share already for being called all sort of insults for saying this.
Anyhow to be realistic you do not need to be an expert to know that sooner or later the army will do something considering how the armed forces troops are deployed throughout the country. Whether it is going to be a full scale coup or soft coup I do not know.
Nevertheless I have to admit that greed and stupidity of the Muslim brotherhood will be studied and that the deep state in Egypt knew how to use that greed in order to return back to the scene just like knowing the weakness points of the 25 January revolutionaries. Unfortunately the revolutionaries and the people do not want to understand or learn from their mistakes like others.

6/27/2013

#Morsi has turned his back on #Egypt's revolution #Tamarod



On a busy Cairo street on a June night, two twentysomething women stood facing oncoming cars, each holding a banner. The first read "tamarod" – in reference to the "rebel" movement collecting signatures of citizens opposed to X  President Mohamed Morsi. The other banner read: "If you want Morsi to leave, honk your horn." The air was filled with the sound of horns.
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A similar noise had filled the capital a year earlier, on the announcement that Morsi won the presidential elections over Ahmed Shafik. Many viewed Morsi's win as a victory for the revolution because Shafik was a Mubarak-era minister and prime minister, and a former member of the army that has assumed an undemocratic role in Egypt's politics and economy since 1952.
Then, the Muslim Brotherhood allied with a segment of the revolutionary forces named the National Front. The Front campaigned for the Brotherhood's then-candidate in return for pledges he made. Their role was decisive given the slim victory he obtained – hardly 51% of the votes. Today, almost all of them have turned against the president. Morsi's opponents are accused by Brotherhood members, as well as by international observers, of not accepting democracy and election's results.
Although this concern is understandable, Egypt's reality is more complicated. From the beginning, Morsi failed to meet the pledges he made in the historic Fairmont agreement held with the National Front. Such pledges included forming a "national salvation" government. He didn't even meet with the Front again after the initial meeting held following his victory. Every time they tried to meet him they were told he was busy, according to the Front's spokeswoman Dr Heba Raouf.
Step by step, Morsi turned his back to the revolution. He formed temporary alliances with the interior ministry accused of killing protesters; with the military responsible for the deaths of protesters in the months that followed Mubarak's ousting; and with the businessmen accused of corruption under Mubarak. Instead of restructuring the interior ministry, Morsi praised it, saying that the police was "at the heart" of the revolution. And instead of holding the army responsible for the deaths of protesters under military rule, Morsi said it "protected the revolution".
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This could have been tolerated if Morsi's rule had brought prosperity to Egyptians. In an ailing economy, the quality of life has worsened, with rising poverty and unemployment, frequent power cuts and gasoline shortages – all topped by rising crime rates. The movement that brags about being 80 years old and having a grassroots outreach has demonstrated that it is not qualified to run the country.
Morsi's supporters argue it is too early to judge his performance, that one year is not enough to solve problems inherited from Mubarak's 30-year rule, with many of the corrupt state apparatuses still refusing to bend to his successor's will. But Morsi has not shown signs that he has a workable plan for handling those problems. Egyptians could have stood behind him in such a fight if he had engaged them. He comes up with vague conspiracy theories: "Whoever sticks his finger inside Egypt, I will cut it off. I see the fingers of people getting inside who have no value in this world," he said in March, without specifying who these people were.
His supporters again point to the remnants of Mubarak's regime. But Morsi leaves his opponents mind-boggled by appointing many leading figures from that very regime as ministers and governors.
Egyptian society is marred by division. By repeatedly addressing his supporters alone at their rallies in times of nation-wide tensions, Morsi has helped deepen such division. Amid the Ittihadiya events, he implicitly endorsed his supporters' attack on a sit-in waged by anti-Morsi protesters.
While many Egyptians hope that the man and his movement will reap on 30 June – when massive protests have been planned – what they have sown throughout the past year. Some observers still hope that the opposition will pursues "democratic mechanisms" – building their ranks and waiting until the elections in three years' time. The latter would have been a viable option if Morsi's rule had been democratic. The prosecution, headed by a Morsi appointee, has warranted the arrest of influential activists able to mobilise organised opposition, including Ahmed Maher of the National Front, the group that helped Morsi come to power. Charges tend to include "inciting protests" and "insulting the president".
Morsi was elected before a constitution specifying his powers and the nature of his post was drafted. After he became president, he sponsored and endorsed a constitution with fundamentally undemocratic articles legalising military tribunals for civilians and giving the military and its budget special status above public accountability. This makes talk of democracy unreasonable. A look back at 2011 reminds us that the revolution erupted to save a country and a people from falling apart. That took priority over "democratic means", even if democracy was an ultimate goal. If it is still an ultimate goal, it is one that cannot be achieved under the rule of the undemocratic organisation that is the Muslim Brotherhood.

#30June Get ready for A revolution against the Muslim Brotherhood #Tamarod



 Tamarod ,the rebellious mother movement of the upcoming 30 June protests launched today the 30 June Front. That front is an attempt to have a political cover for the protests despite the founders of that front made it clear in a press conference that they do not represent all revolutionaries or political powers.
Now the 30 June Front presented a roadmap for Egypt after Mohamed Morsi as Tamarod believes that it is going to oust him on 30 June through petitions. The 6 months transitional period roadmap is as follows after getting rid from MB and Morsi :

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  • To appoint an independent Prime minister that represents 25 Revolution.
  • To assign this prime minister with all the executive powers of the president and he will head a technocrat government whose main mission is to fix economy and adopt social justice policies.
  • To assign the head of supreme constitutional court with the President’s protocol missions.
  • To dissolve the Shura council and to suspend the current constitution.
  • To form a new constituent assembly in order to draft a new constitution.
  • To have presidential elections by the end of the 6 months followed by parliamentary elections monitored by judges and surpervised internationally. 
  • The National defense council is responsible for national security.
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    It is worth to mention that the boys and girls of Tamarod have met with Heikal, the old fox twice in the past two weeks. Politically speaking this roadmap is perfect or rather was perfect for Egypt on 12 February 2011 if people were honest in having true democracy. There is one missing detail is how to reach this roadmap already.
    Now there are too many players with other roadmaps and agendas.
    The 30 June Front is founded by a number of revolutionary and political activists like Israa Abdel Fatah, Amr Salah, Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Ahmed Harara , Khaled El Belshy and other others.
    The press conference was attended by many of the famous faces from activists like Ahmed Harara, Karima El Khafny, Hossam Eissa , Khaled Dawood , Hossam Mounis, Mazhar Shahin and Nour El Huda Zaki.
    Here are couple of photos I took from the press conference.

    6/26/2013

    #Morsi's speech #egypt

    Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi has warned that continuing unrest is "threatening to paralyse the country".
    In a televised speech marking his first year in office, Morsi said he had made some "mistakes" since becoming president.
    Troops have been deployed across Egyptian cities ahead of planned weekend protests demanding his removal.
    Ahead of Mr Morsi's speech, deadly clashes broke out in the northern city of Mansoura.
    Two people were killed and 170 injured in fighting between supporters and opponents of the government, a health ministry spokesman told the BBC.
    Morsi took power on 30 June 2012. His first year in office has been marred by constant political unrest and a sinking economy.
    'Radical measures'
    Anti-government protesters in Cairo (26 June 2013)  
    Anti-government protesters gathered across Cairo ahead of the president's national address
    Speaking on Wednesday evening, President Morsi promised to introduce immediate and radical reforms in state institutions.
    He said the polarisation of politics in Egypt had reached the stage where it risked destabilising the entire nation.
     Morsi added that he had done "his best to evaluate the situation" during the past year.
    "I was right in some cases, and wrong in other cases," Morsi said.
    "I have discovered after a year in charge that for the revolution to achieve its goals, it needs radical measures.
    "Every revolution has enemies and every nation has challenges," he said, adding that he would "build on the positives and address the negatives".
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     Morsi's year in review

    • June 2012 - Narrowly wins presidential election. Orders parliament to meet in defiance of a military decree dissolving it
    • July 2012 - Submits to a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary elections were invalid
    • August 2012 - Dismisses Defence Minister Hussein Tantawi and Chief of Staff Sami Annan and strips military of say in legislation and drafting the new constitution
    • November 2012 - Rescinds a decree stripping the judiciary of the right to challenge his decisions, after popular protests
    • December 2012 - Public vote approves draft constitution boosting the role of Islam and restricting freedom of speech and assembly
    • March 2013 - Court halts his plans to bring parliamentary elections forward to April, citing failure to refer the electoral law to the Constitutional Court
    • June 2013 - Puts Islamist in charge of 13 of Egypt's 27 governorships - controversially he appoints a member of the former armed group Gamaa Islamiya to be governor of Luxor
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    But despite Morsi's initial conciliatory tone, the speech swiftly moved into a condemnation of named people he blamed for Egypt's problems, the BBC's Aleem Maqbool,judges and a journalist figured among those criticised, our correspondent says.
    Anti-government supporters had gathered in the capital's Tahrir Square and outside the defence ministry ahead of Morsi's speech.
    The head of the army earlier warned it would not allow Egypt to slip into "uncontrollable conflict".
    Soldiers have been stationed in areas of the capital, Cairo, where pro-Morsi demonstrators are expected to gather following Friday prayers.
    Armoured trucks are lining the streets in near Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque in the city's east, which has become a gathering point for Islamist protesters.
    Troops have also been deployed to protect the presidential palace - the scene of previous clashes - and other public buildings in Cairo.
    Fuel shortages Tensions in Cairo have been rising ahead of the demonstrations planned for the weekend, with counter-demonstrations by Islamists in support of Morsi planned for the coming days.
    There have also been acute shortages of fuel in the city, leading to huge traffic jams as well as long and sometimes bad-tempered queues at petrol stations, adding to the febrile atmosphere.
    Egypt's armed forces prepare for large-scale protests near the Presidential Palace 26 June 2013)  
    Soldiers have been deployed across Cairo and other cities around the country ahead of the protests
    Some Cairenes have begun stockpiling food in anticipation of street clashes between the two opposing political camps, with staples including canned goods, grains and frozen vegetables much sought after.
    Gen Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi said the army was obliged to stop Egypt plunging into a "dark tunnel", in remarks which were seen as one of the strongest interventions since the army handed over power to President Morsi last year.
    Anti-Morsi activists say they have gathered 13 million signatures on a petition calling for the Islamist leader to step down. They want early presidential elections to be called to replace him.
    His supporters say any move to unseat him now would be undemocratic.
    Many analysts say the instability and a continuing threat of violence have frightened away foreign investors and tourists.
    There is increasing unemployment, particularly among the young, and the country's foreign currency reserves are falling.

    6/25/2013

    #egypt Spooky! Egyptian statuette spins untouched inside glass case




    Is this ancient Egyptian statue a sign that there really is a curse of the Pharaohs? Relic of the god of death found inside mummy’s tomb and kept in museum for 80 years starts SPINNING on its own

    THE curse of Tutankhamen is said to have claimed more than 20 lives. By contrast, the curse of Neb-Senu amounts to little more than an occasional inconvenience for museum curators. Over several days, the ten-inch Egyptian statuette gradually rotates to face the rear of the locked glass cabinet in which it is displayed, and has to be turned around again by hand.
    Those who like tales of haunted pyramids and walking mummies may regard the mystery of the 4,000-year-old relic – an offering to Osiris, god of the dead – as the strangest thing to hit Egyptology in decades.
    Others, including TV physicist Professor Brian Cox, have a more down-to-earth explanation for its movement.
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    Whatever the solution, the puzzle certainly won’t dent visitor numbers at its present home, Manchester Museum.
    The statuette’s slow about-turn has been captured on film by a time-lapse camera, and curator Campbell Price, 29, says he believes there may be a spiritual explanation.
    ‘I noticed one day that it had turned around,’ he said. ‘I thought it was strange because it is in a case and I am the only one who has a key.
    ‘I put it back, but then the next day it had moved again.
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    6/24/2013

    'You Can't Eat Sharia' #EGYPT #Islamist #Ikhwan #salafi

    Egypt is on the brink -- not of something better than the old Mubarak dictatorship, but of something even worse. 

    BY MOHAMED ELBARADEI


    Two years after the revolution that toppled a dictator, Egypt is already a failed state. According to the Failed States Index, in the year before the uprising we ranked No. 45. After Hosni Mubarak fell, we worsened to 31st. I haven't checked recently -- I don't want to get more depressed. But the evidence is all around us.

     

     

    Today you see an erosion of state authority in Egypt. The state is supposed to provide security and justice; that's the most basic form of statehood. But law and order is disintegrating. In 2012, murders were up 130 percent, robberies 350 percent, and kidnappings 145 percent, according to the Interior Ministry. You see people being lynched in public, while others take pictures of the scene. Mind you, this is the 21st century -- not the French Revolution!
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    The feeling right now is that there is no state authority to enforce law and order, and therefore everybody thinks that everything is permissible. And that, of course, creates a lot of fear and anxiety.
    You can't expect Egypt to have a normal economic life under such circumstances. People are very worried. People who have money are not investing -- neither Egyptians nor foreigners. In a situation where law and order is spotty and you don't see institutions performing their duties, when you don't know what will happen tomorrow, obviously you hold back. As a result, Egypt's foreign reserves have been depleted, the budget deficit will be 12 percent this year, and the pound is being devalued. Roughly a quarter of our youth wake up in the morning and have no jobs to go to. In every area, the economic fundamentals are not there.
    Egypt could risk a default on its foreign debt over the next few months, and the government is desperately trying to get a credit line from here and there -- but that's not how to get the economy back to work. You need foreign investment, you need sound economic policies, you need functioning institutions, and you need skilled labor.
    So far, however, the Egyptian government has only offered a patchwork vision and ad hoc economic policies, with no steady hand at the helm of the state. The government adopted some austerity measures in December to satisfy certain IMF requirements, only to repeal them by morning. Meanwhile, prices are soaring and the situation is becoming untenable, particularly for the nearly half of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.
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    The executive branch has no clue how to run Egypt. It's not a question of whether they are Muslim Brothers or liberals -- it's a question of people who have no vision or experience. They do not know how to diagnose the problem and then provide the solution. They are simply not qualified to govern.

    #Egypt’s countdown to #June30 #Tamarod

    What began as a humble attempt to translate countrywide discontent with the way President Mohamed Morsi has governed Egypt, the Tamarod -- or "Rebel" campaign -- has mobilized millions of Egyptians for a protest that promises to be epic on the anniversary of Morsi's inauguration. Although opposition forces initially kept the signature drive that demands Morsi's removal from office and early elections at arms length, nearly all of the relevant players in Egypt's transitional drama now recognize the campaign's significance and potential to affect change. Movement within the political opposition, including coordination meetings with the campaign and youth groups for a post-Morsi transition plan, suggests a fundamental belief that the June 30 protests could realize Tamarod's goal of replacing the president.

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    Islamists who support Morsi's government, primarily from the Muslim Brotherhood, responded with a counter-signature drive of their own called Tagarrod -- or "Impartiality" -- to reiterate their faith (no pun intended) in the political system and the elections that brought him to power. Supportive Islamist groups have also called for a June 21 protest against violence. However, the counter-campaign's attempt to balance the scales only seems to accentuate the country's deeply divided polity. The Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsi supporters have repeatedly vilified the Tamarod movement and some have gone as far as labeling those who turn out to protest on June 30 as traitors or unbelievers. Calmer heads within the Islamist movement have taken a more centrist position. The ultraconservative Salafi al-Nour Party has surprisingly demonstrated one of the most level headed attitudes with its promise to refrain from participating in protests, but urging the Muslim Brotherhood and the government to make concessions to opposition forces to diffuse the volatile situation. Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh's Strong Egypt Party fell on the side of peaceful protests but stood firm against calls for a military coup to replace Morsi.
    The revolutionary fervor and scathing vitriol between the two groups has gone beyond talking heads exchanging barbs in the Egyptian media. A number of violent incidents, not the least of which involved an arson attack by unknown assailants on one of the Tamarod offices in Cairo on June 7, and hours of clashes between Muslim Brotherhood and Tamarod campaigners in Alexandria on June 12, have heightened tensions between opposing ideologies in the days leading up to the planned mass demonstration and worried government security forces. The clashes involving attacks on Tamarod have prompted Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim to publicize its security plans for June 30, but interestingly confusing messages have come out of the ministry. Initial statements indicated a police withdrawal from demonstration areas but Ibrahim subsequently announced his commitment to protecting all citizens on June 30. Outraged Islamists called for Ibrahim to be held accountable for his initial refusal to protect Muslim Brotherhood headquarters and private property.
    Other rumblings within the Morsi administration also indicate some fear within the government that impending protests may shake the foundations of the current system. Morsi reached out to the National Salvation Front for yet another national dialogue in an effort to subdue the rising tide but without suitable guarantees that any negotiations would lead to binding decisions, opposition leaders declined. Instead, Morsi met with the Islamic Legitimate Body of Rights and Reformation, an independent multi-party coalition of Muslim scholars that includes Salafi and Muslim scholars whose deputy chief threatened the opposition with counter-rallies on June 30. Tamarod members have taken a similar hardline stance, demanding nothing short of the formation of a presidential council and a technocratic government with an eye toward Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) President Manar al-Beheiry to replace Morsi.
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    The scene is certainly set for what could possibly be a game-changing display of popular outrage. To hear either side of the political chasm talk of June 30, one might think an Egyptian Armageddon is right around the corner, with both sides bracing for an outbreak of violence. It is distinctly possible -- even probable -- that protests could come to blows. In past confrontations, it took little to provoke competing political forces into a street battle. Today, not only are the Ultras (the hardcore soccer fans who regularly clash with police) a factor, Black Bloc anarchists are also planning to join the protests adding to an already volatile mix, despite promises of nonviolent protests. "Popular committees" formed to prevent violence are just as likely to instigate as they are to prevent fights from breaking out. Even ordinary citizens, fed up with the dire economic conditions and a deteriorating quality of life, may have little patience for Islamists who may goad them into throwing the first punch. Some Egyptians who see no political or legal avenue through which to channel their disapproval have even admitted hopes of a confrontation to spark the army's intervention and another round of revolutionary change. In this highly charged political climate, all it takes is one angry reaction to ensnare an entire country.
    Hopes of such clashes ousting Morsi, however, run into some heady challenges. The Tamarod campaign managed to surpass its goal of 15 million signatures calling for Morsi's resignation and snap elections. It rekindled the revolutionary flame sparked by its cross-party and youthful energy and captured the imagination of the silent majority in Egypt, but falls short of a legal avenue to realize a change in leadership. Currently, the constitution allows only a few ways by which to remove the president (articles 150 through 152): if the president falls ill or can no longer perform his duty; if he is charged with high treason and is subsequently impeached by at least two-thirds of the House of Representatives: if he puts his own presidency up to popular referendum: or if he voluntarily resigns. Anti-Islamist activists who argue that the constitution -- by virtue of the highly flawed process of its formation -- lacks the legitimacy to set appropriate standards for a post-revolution Egypt may be right, but neither opposition forces nor the judiciary have yet blatantly crossed the ambiguous legal boundaries that have guided (or misguided) it through its transition. The irony of Tamarod's support for the SCC's president to unconstitutionally lead the country is not lost on those paying attention. The judiciary, in particular, has remained conspicuously silent on the issue. However, judging by the SCC decision to allow the Shura Council to continue operating until a new parliament is elected, despite the court's ruling to invalidate the council, suggests its unwillingness to rock the boat.
    With all of Egypt's dramatic twists and turns over the past two years, those who claim to know what will happen on June 30 will find themselves either wrong or lucky. The number of variables that factor into any one event outstrip the imagination every time. The truth is, no one can claim with any degree of certainty what might change after June 30, but Tamarod has certainly revealed how the deep polarization affecting Egyptian society at large might run deeper than previously imagined. It has tapped into a disaffected population that lost all faith in Morsi or that elections under his leadership could be free and fair. It has garnered the support of millions of Egyptians by avoiding the partisan politics that many citizens have come to abhor. Lastly, it has called on the aid of the army and the judiciary, the two institutions with the most support in Egypt, to lead the country to a new beginning. June 30 may amount to nothing more than a mass protest, but Morsi would be wise to take the advice of fellow Islamists, abandon the confrontational stance toward his detractors, and build the consensus that Egypt desperately lacks sooner rather than later. The countdown begins.
    Tarek Radwan is the associate director for research at the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center. He previously reported on the Middle East with Human Rights Watch's MENA division and served as a Human Rights Officer for the United Nations/African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur. Mr. Radwan specializes in Egypt, with a focus on civil society, human rights, the constitution, and judicial issue

    6/21/2013

    #Egypt tourism minister resigns over Luxor governor's terror links



    Egypt's tourism minister has resigned in protest over the appointment as
    Luxor governor of a member of a hardline Islamist group associated with terrorists who killed at least 58 tourists in 1997.

    Hisham Zaazou, whose resignation has not yet been accepted by Egypt's prime minister, opposes the appointment on Sunday of Adel el-Khayat, a member of Gamaa Islamiya – a group whose associates carried out the massacre.
    The appointment of Khayat, who denies personal involvement in the attack, has enraged not just Zaazou, but the tourism industry in Luxor, which fears the symbolism of the appointment will put off potential visitors.
    The city is home to some of the country's most famous pharaonic ruins, and derives most of its income from tourism. But tourism has already fallen dramatically since Egypt's uprising in 2011, and locals fear any reminder of the 1997 attacks will further deter tourists.
    One of 17 governors appointed this week, Khayat was not the only appointee to have been greeted with outrage. One new governor was allegedly forced to go to work disguised in a niqab while another was hit by a shoe as protesters in at least eight provinces demonstrated against President Mohamed Morsi's controversial inclusion of several Islamists among the new crop of state administrators.
    Protesters are furious at Morsi's decision to increase the bureaucratic influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, whose allies now control 11 of Egypt's 27 states. This comes at a time when they feel he should be trying to reach out to non-Islamist sections of society.
    Egypt is more polarised than at any point since 2011. Recent polls suggest Morsi's popularity has halved since his election a year ago, while opposition activists claim to have secured 15 million signatures on a petition calling on him to resign.
    "Each day, more and more Egyptians are losing faith in the Brotherhood," said Doaa Khalifa, a leading opposition activist in Mansoura, a northern city where protesters padlocked state administrators inside their offices on Tuesday, and where one local official alleged the new Brotherhood governor had been forced to go to work hidden under a niqab.
    "Before, they gave them the benefit of the doubt," added Khalifa, the local co-ordinator for the Tamarod campaign, the grassroots initiative that claims to have gathered 15 million signatures calling for Morsi to go. "Now, they think everyone who has a beard is a liar."
    Fighting broke out between activists and Brotherhood members in Tanta, Egypt's fifth-largest city, where the new Brotherhood governor was attacked with a shoe. Protesters later set fire to the Brotherhood's local headquarters.
    Fury at Morsi has far deeper roots, however, than just his recent appointments. Living conditions have significantly worsened in recent months, with food prices rising sharply, power cuts occurring on a daily basis, and fuel scarce. In Mansoura on Tuesday petrol station queues stretched for close to a mile.
    "Morsi is ruining the country," said one driver, Yasser Abdel Samir. "Look at this petrol queue. That's because of him. There's no water; there's no electricity; salaries are low; food prices are high. He's going down on the 30th," added Abdel Samir, referring to planned protests against Morsi's regime on 30 June, the first anniversary of his election.
    Egypt is holding its breath for the day, which many hope will lead to Morsi's exit; others, however, fear it will inevitably lead to violence, should Morsi's still-sizeable support base clash with his opponents.
    Outwardly, Morsi's office says it is relaxed about the planned demonstrations. "Provided they do all this peacefully, that's a very healthy sign and a sign that the revolution has actually worked," Khaled al-Qazzaz, a presidential aide, said last week. "This is the best celebration for completing a year in office for our first democratically elected president."
    But the day is being taken so seriously by those in power that the army has said it will be deployed on the day, and Morsi publicly met Egypt's most senior Muslim and Christian clerics on Tuesday in an apparent attempt to establish social unity.
    He has also tried to shore up his standing among Salafists, an ultraconservative section of Egyptian society whose support for his regime may be wavering. Morsi's appointment of the new Luxor governor, his appearance at recent Islamist rallies, and his severance of diplomatic ties with Syria may all be aimed at impressing the Salafists, some of whom see the war against the Syrian regime as a holy one.