#Morsi's speech #egypt

Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi has warned that continuing unrest is "threatening to paralyse the country".

In a televised speech marking his first year in office, Morsi said he had made some "mistakes" since becoming president.
Troops have been deployed across Egyptian cities ahead of planned weekend protests demanding his removal.
Ahead of Mr Morsi's speech, deadly clashes broke out in the northern city of Mansoura.
Two people were killed and 170 injured in fighting between supporters and opponents of the government, a health ministry spokesman told the BBC.
Morsi took power on 30 June 2012. His first year in office has been marred by constant political unrest and a sinking economy.
'Radical measures'

 

Anti-government protesters gathered across Cairo ahead of the president's national address

Speaking on Wednesday evening, President Morsi promised to introduce immediate and radical reforms in state institutions.
He said the polarisation of politics in Egypt had reached the stage where it risked destabilising the entire nation.
 Morsi added that he had done "his best to evaluate the situation" during the past year.
"I was right in some cases, and wrong in other cases," Morsi said.
"I have discovered after a year in charge that for the revolution to achieve its goals, it needs radical measures.
"Every revolution has enemies and every nation has challenges," he said, adding that he would "build on the positives and address the negatives".

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 Morsi's year in review

• June 2012 - Narrowly wins presidential election. Orders parliament to meet in defiance of a military decree dissolving it
• July 2012 - Submits to a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary elections were invalid
• August 2012 - Dismisses Defence Minister Hussein Tantawi and Chief of Staff Sami Annan and strips military of say in legislation and drafting the new constitution
• November 2012 - Rescinds a decree stripping the judiciary of the right to challenge his decisions, after popular protests
• December 2012 - Public vote approves draft constitution boosting the role of Islam and restricting freedom of speech and assembly
• March 2013 - Court halts his plans to bring parliamentary elections forward to April, citing failure to refer the electoral law to the Constitutional Court
• June 2013 - Puts Islamist in charge of 13 of Egypt's 27 governorships - controversially he appoints a member of the former armed group Gamaa Islamiya to be governor of Luxor

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But despite Morsi's initial conciliatory tone, the speech swiftly moved into a condemnation of named people he blamed for Egypt's problems, the BBC's Aleem Maqbool,judges and a journalist figured among those criticised, our correspondent says.

Anti-government supporters had gathered in the capital's Tahrir Square and outside the defence ministry ahead of Morsi's speech.

The head of the army earlier warned it would not allow Egypt to slip into "uncontrollable conflict".

Soldiers have been stationed in areas of the capital, Cairo, where pro-Morsi demonstrators are expected to gather following Friday prayers.

Armoured trucks are lining the streets in near Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque in the city's east, which has become a gathering point for Islamist protesters.

Troops have also been deployed to protect the presidential palace - the scene of previous clashes - and other public buildings in Cairo.

Fuel shortages Tensions in Cairo have been rising ahead of the demonstrations planned for the weekend, with counter-demonstrations by Islamists in support of Morsi planned for the coming days.

There have also been acute shortages of fuel in the city, leading to huge traffic jams as well as long and sometimes bad-tempered queues at petrol stations, adding to the febrile atmosphere.

 

Soldiers have been deployed across Cairo and other cities around the country ahead of the protests
Some Cairenes have begun stockpiling food in anticipation of street clashes between the two opposing political camps, with staples including canned goods, grains and frozen vegetables much sought after.
Gen Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi said the army was obliged to stop Egypt plunging into a "dark tunnel", in remarks which were seen as one of the strongest interventions since the army handed over power to President Morsi last year.
Anti-Morsi activists say they have gathered 13 million signatures on a petition calling for the Islamist leader to step down. They want early presidential elections to be called to replace him.
His supporters say any move to unseat him now would be undemocratic.
Many analysts say the instability and a continuing threat of violence have frightened away foreign investors and tourists.
There is increasing unemployment, particularly among the young, and the country's foreign currency reserves are falling.

'You Can't Eat Sharia' #EGYPT #Islamist #Ikhwan #salafi

Egypt is on the brink -- not of something better than the old Mubarak dictatorship, but of something even worse. 

BY MOHAMED ELBARADEI

Two years after the revolution that toppled a dictator, Egypt is already a failed state. According to the Failed States Index, in the year before the uprising we ranked No. 45. After Hosni Mubarak fell, we worsened to 31st. I haven't checked recently -- I don't want to get more depressed. But the evidence is all around us.

 

 

Today you see an erosion of state authority in Egypt. The state is supposed to provide security and justice; that's the most basic form of statehood. But law and order is disintegrating. In 2012, murders were up 130 percent, robberies 350 percent, and kidnappings 145 percent, according to the Interior Ministry. You see people being lynched in public, while others take pictures of the scene. Mind you, this is the 21st century -- not the French Revolution!

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The feeling right now is that there is no state authority to enforce law and order, and therefore everybody thinks that everything is permissible. And that, of course, creates a lot of fear and anxiety.

You can't expect Egypt to have a normal economic life under such circumstances. People are very worried. People who have money are not investing -- neither Egyptians nor foreigners. In a situation where law and order is spotty and you don't see institutions performing their duties, when you don't know what will happen tomorrow, obviously you hold back. As a result, Egypt's foreign reserves have been depleted, the budget deficit will be 12 percent this year, and the pound is being devalued. Roughly a quarter of our youth wake up in the morning and have no jobs to go to. In every area, the economic fundamentals are not there.

Egypt could risk a default on its foreign debt over the next few months, and the government is desperately trying to get a credit line from here and there -- but that's not how to get the economy back to work. You need foreign investment, you need sound economic policies, you need functioning institutions, and you need skilled labor.

So far, however, the Egyptian government has only offered a patchwork vision and ad hoc economic policies, with no steady hand at the helm of the state. The government adopted some austerity measures in December to satisfy certain IMF requirements, only to repeal them by morning. Meanwhile, prices are soaring and the situation is becoming untenable, particularly for the nearly half of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day.

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The executive branch has no clue how to run Egypt. It's not a question of whether they are Muslim Brothers or liberals -- it's a question of people who have no vision or experience. They do not know how to diagnose the problem and then provide the solution. They are simply not qualified to govern.

#Egypt’s countdown to #June30 #Tamarod

What began as a humble attempt to translate countrywide discontent with the way President Mohamed Morsi has governed Egypt, the Tamarod -- or "Rebel" campaign -- has mobilized millions of Egyptians for a protest that promises to be epic on the anniversary of Morsi's inauguration. Although opposition forces initially kept the signature drive that demands Morsi's removal from office and early elections at arms length, nearly all of the relevant players in Egypt's transitional drama now recognize the campaign's significance and potential to affect change. Movement within the political opposition, including coordination meetings with the campaign and youth groups for a post-Morsi transition plan, suggests a fundamental belief that the June 30 protests could realize Tamarod's goal of replacing the president.

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Islamists who support Morsi's government, primarily from the Muslim Brotherhood, responded with a counter-signature drive of their own called Tagarrod -- or "Impartiality" -- to reiterate their faith (no pun intended) in the political system and the elections that brought him to power. Supportive Islamist groups have also called for a June 21 protest against violence. However, the counter-campaign's attempt to balance the scales only seems to accentuate the country's deeply divided polity. The Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsi supporters have repeatedly vilified the Tamarod movement and some have gone as far as labeling those who turn out to protest on June 30 as traitors or unbelievers. Calmer heads within the Islamist movement have taken a more centrist position. The ultraconservative Salafi al-Nour Party has surprisingly demonstrated one of the most level headed attitudes with its promise to refrain from participating in protests, but urging the Muslim Brotherhood and the government to make concessions to opposition forces to diffuse the volatile situation. Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh's Strong Egypt Party fell on the side of peaceful protests but stood firm against calls for a military coup to replace Morsi.

The revolutionary fervor and scathing vitriol between the two groups has gone beyond talking heads exchanging barbs in the Egyptian media. A number of violent incidents, not the least of which involved an arson attack by unknown assailants on one of the Tamarod offices in Cairo on June 7, and hours of clashes between Muslim Brotherhood and Tamarod campaigners in Alexandria on June 12, have heightened tensions between opposing ideologies in the days leading up to the planned mass demonstration and worried government security forces. The clashes involving attacks on Tamarod have prompted Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim to publicize its security plans for June 30, but interestingly confusing messages have come out of the ministry. Initial statements indicated a police withdrawal from demonstration areas but Ibrahim subsequently announced his commitment to protecting all citizens on June 30. Outraged Islamists called for Ibrahim to be held accountable for his initial refusal to protect Muslim Brotherhood headquarters and private property.

Other rumblings within the Morsi administration also indicate some fear within the government that impending protests may shake the foundations of the current system. Morsi reached out to the National Salvation Front for yet another national dialogue in an effort to subdue the rising tide but without suitable guarantees that any negotiations would lead to binding decisions, opposition leaders declined. Instead, Morsi met with the Islamic Legitimate Body of Rights and Reformation, an independent multi-party coalition of Muslim scholars that includes Salafi and Muslim scholars whose deputy chief threatened the opposition with counter-rallies on June 30. Tamarod members have taken a similar hardline stance, demanding nothing short of the formation of a presidential council and a technocratic government with an eye toward Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) President Manar al-Beheiry to replace Morsi.

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The scene is certainly set for what could possibly be a game-changing display of popular outrage. To hear either side of the political chasm talk of June 30, one might think an Egyptian Armageddon is right around the corner, with both sides bracing for an outbreak of violence. It is distinctly possible -- even probable -- that protests could come to blows. In past confrontations, it took little to provoke competing political forces into a street battle. Today, not only are the Ultras (the hardcore soccer fans who regularly clash with police) a factor, Black Bloc anarchists are also planning to join the protests adding to an already volatile mix, despite promises of nonviolent protests. "Popular committees" formed to prevent violence are just as likely to instigate as they are to prevent fights from breaking out. Even ordinary citizens, fed up with the dire economic conditions and a deteriorating quality of life, may have little patience for Islamists who may goad them into throwing the first punch. Some Egyptians who see no political or legal avenue through which to channel their disapproval have even admitted hopes of a confrontation to spark the army's intervention and another round of revolutionary change. In this highly charged political climate, all it takes is one angry reaction to ensnare an entire country.

Hopes of such clashes ousting Morsi, however, run into some heady challenges. The Tamarod campaign managed to surpass its goal of 15 million signatures calling for Morsi's resignation and snap elections. It rekindled the revolutionary flame sparked by its cross-party and youthful energy and captured the imagination of the silent majority in Egypt, but falls short of a legal avenue to realize a change in leadership. Currently, the constitution allows only a few ways by which to remove the president (articles 150 through 152): if the president falls ill or can no longer perform his duty; if he is charged with high treason and is subsequently impeached by at least two-thirds of the House of Representatives: if he puts his own presidency up to popular referendum: or if he voluntarily resigns. Anti-Islamist activists who argue that the constitution -- by virtue of the highly flawed process of its formation -- lacks the legitimacy to set appropriate standards for a post-revolution Egypt may be right, but neither opposition forces nor the judiciary have yet blatantly crossed the ambiguous legal boundaries that have guided (or misguided) it through its transition. The irony of Tamarod's support for the SCC's president to unconstitutionally lead the country is not lost on those paying attention. The judiciary, in particular, has remained conspicuously silent on the issue. However, judging by the SCC decision to allow the Shura Council to continue operating until a new parliament is elected, despite the court's ruling to invalidate the council, suggests its unwillingness to rock the boat.

With all of Egypt's dramatic twists and turns over the past two years, those who claim to know what will happen on June 30 will find themselves either wrong or lucky. The number of variables that factor into any one event outstrip the imagination every time. The truth is, no one can claim with any degree of certainty what might change after June 30, but Tamarod has certainly revealed how the deep polarization affecting Egyptian society at large might run deeper than previously imagined. It has tapped into a disaffected population that lost all faith in Morsi or that elections under his leadership could be free and fair. It has garnered the support of millions of Egyptians by avoiding the partisan politics that many citizens have come to abhor. Lastly, it has called on the aid of the army and the judiciary, the two institutions with the most support in Egypt, to lead the country to a new beginning. June 30 may amount to nothing more than a mass protest, but Morsi would be wise to take the advice of fellow Islamists, abandon the confrontational stance toward his detractors, and build the consensus that Egypt desperately lacks sooner rather than later. The countdown begins.

Tarek Radwan is the associate director for research at the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center. He previously reported on the Middle East with Human Rights Watch's MENA division and served as a Human Rights Officer for the United Nations/African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur. Mr. Radwan specializes in Egypt, with a focus on civil society, human rights, the constitution, and judicial issue

only in #egypt Egyptian Collective suicide

Egyptian Collective suicide

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#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause

No more Morsi: Ghada Adel wants him ousted

The Egyptian actress that has had her lips sealed about her country’s politics is now letting it all hang out in a movement that calls for ousting President Mohammad Morsi and his party formed by members of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Ghada Adel has signed a petition for the “Tamarud” campaign passed around to all the citizens wanting him brought down.

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Looks like the leading lady has gained even more supporters for the campaign by Facebooking a pic with the entire cast of her upcoming television drama "Makan Fi Al Qasr" (A Place in the Palace).

 

The troupe are holding posters for the “Tamarud” in hopes of attracting additional peeps to sign the petition, according to the Middle East news portal Elaph.

 

Other celebs that have signed the petition include Khalid Al Sawi, Khalid Saleh, Khalid Abu Al Naja, Athar Al Hakim and famous Egyptian journalist Mahmoud Saed.

 

Will you join the celebs and sign for the “Tamarud”? Please share with us your thoughts on Ghada’s recent political openness.

من الاقصر ابناء النيل يتمردون. #تمرد في النيل قبل مايبقي ذكرى .................#مصر #الاخوان #مصر twitter.com/samy_qaid/stat…

— ▲Samy قائد (@samy_qaid) June 5, 2013

تعلية سور قصر الاتحادية وزياده الحرس اليومزود حرسك علي جدارك .. لو نفعوك كانو نفعو مبارك #تمرد #مصر
— حملة تمرد(@7amlet_tamarod) June 5, 2013

سر نجاح حملة #تمرد هو أنها لا تطلب من الموقع على الإستمارة أكثر مما يحتمل ... لا يمكننا أن نطلب من شعب فقير منهك أن يترك عمله ويقوم بعصيان
— هبة صالح (@HebaSaaleh) June 5, 2013

#Tamarud : Rebels With A Cause حول #تمرد egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2013/06/tamaru…

— Zeinobia (@Zeinobia) June 5, 2013

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A Signature Rebellion

I got in a taxi on Thursday and within a few minutes of conversation the driver asked my nationality. This has been a sensitive question recently; last week an American near the embassy answered in the positive and was stabbed in the neck for his troubles. ‘I hate America,’ the assailant confessed afterwards.

For the taxi driver, however, it was an opportunity of a different sort. After I owned up to my nationality he leaned over to his glove compartment and…

… pulled out a sheet of paper.

In fact it was one of many, some signed, most not yet. The driver was preaching the merits of a new campaign to oust President Morsi, and wanted me to convey the message to America. they aim to collect fifteen million signatures to their petition, vaulting over the total number of votes cast for Morsi in the presidential elections. They claim two million to date.

Their grand finale is planned for June 30, at the presidential palace, one year to the day in which Morsi took office.

Here is the translation of their flyer:

REBEL

To withdraw confidence from the Brotherhood regime

The Rebellion Campaign

(to withdraw confidence from Mohamed Morsi ….)

Because security has not yet returned to the street … we don’t want you

Because the poor still do not have a place … we don’t want you

Because we are still begging from abroad … we don’t want you

Because the rights of the martyrs still have not been fulfilled … we don’t want you

Because there is still no dignity for myself or my country … we don’t want you

Because the economy has collapsed and is built upon begging … we don’t want you

Because you follow the Americans … we don’t want you

Since Mohamed Morsi the … came to power, the simple citizen has felt that not one goal of the revolution has been achieved – for bread, freedom, social justice, and national independence. Morsi has failed to realize them all. No security, no social justice – he is a demonstrated failure in the complete sense of the word. It is not fitting for him to administrate a nation of Egypt’s weight.

Therefore:

I, the undersigned, from my free and complete will, as a member of the general assembly of the Egyptian people, withdraw confidence from the president of the republic, the dictator Mohamed Morsi, and call for early presidential elections. I pledge to hold firmly to the goals of the revolution and to work on their behalf, spreading the Rebellion Campaign among the masses until we are able to achieve social dignity, justice, and freedom.

Name:

National Number:

Governorate:

Signature:

Would you sign?

الإيحاءات الجنسية لنظام الأخوان 

 

 

 

Change in Egypt #egypt #Morsi #Ikhwan #cartoon

Mubarak and Marsa same dirty face

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم #الاخوان #مرسى #مصر #Ikhwankazeboon

جمعه الكرامه امام المقطم

تبدأ الحكاية بعد أن إتهمت بعض القوى الثورية وبعض النشطاء السياسيين جماعة الإخوان المسلمين وشبابها بالتعدى عليهم أمام مكتب الإرشاد وتباينت القصص والروايات حول لماذا تم افعتداء فالبعض يقول أن الإخوان أرداوا الإنتقام من خسارة إنتخابات نقابة الصحافة مع أن الإخوان لم يكن لهم مرشح مباشر فى هذه الإنتخابات ولم يعلن الإخوان المسلمين عن وجود مرشحين لهم فى هذه الإنتخابات وبالرغم من ذلك قالوا أن الإخوان المسلمين خسروا انتخابات نقابة الصحفيين كذلك قال البعض أن الصحفيين تواجدوا هناك لتغطية تواجد خالد مشعل فى مكتب الإرشاد ولقاؤه بالمرشد بالرغم انه لم يتم الإعلان عن ذلك ولم تصدر أى جهة تابعة للإخوان عن وجود خالد مشعل أو عن وجود لقاء بينه وبين المرشد داخل المقر بينما رد الإخوان على هذه الإتهامات من ناحيتهم عندما اكدوا أن النشطاء السياسيين تواجدوا امام المقر وقاموا بالسب للإخوان والمرشد كما قاموا بكتابة عبارات مسيئة ومهينة للإخوان والمرشد وحاولوا رسم بعض الرسومات او الجرافيتى كما يُطلق عليها فما كان من شباب الإخوان إلا انهم خرجوا لهم وإعتدوا عليهم وبين تلك الروايات وتلك وبين ضياع الحقيقة بين كلام هؤلاء وأولئك يبقى سؤال إستخدمه معارضى الإخوان فيما سبق ردا على أحداث قصر الإتحادية رددها كل المعارضين وكل القنوات الفضائية والصحف المعروفة بمهاجمة الإخوان وكان السؤال هو ..لماذ ذهب الإخوان أمام قصر الإتحادية ؟؟؟ ..فهل يمكن توجيه هذا السؤال الآن للنشطاء السياسيين وهل يمكن القول لماذا ذهب المعارضين والنشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان بالمقطم ؟؟ ولكن سوف نجد من يقول انهم تواجدوا فى مكان عام فى الشارع ولا يمكن أحد منعهم ولكن الرد سوف يكون بنفس الطريقة الإخوان هم أيضا عندما ذهبوا لقصر الإتحادية توجدوا أمام مكان عام من حقهم التواجد فيه سوف يقول البعض الآخر الإخوان ذهبوا أمام قصر الإتحادية وهم يعرفون أن المعارضة متواجدة هناك فسوف يكون الرد أيضا وهل عندما ذهب النشطاء أمام مقر الإخوان كانوا يتوقعون أن الإخوان لن يتواجدوا فى مقرهم ومن من الممكن التواجد داخل مقر الإخوان أو أمامه هل يمكن أن يتواجد المعارضين ؟؟
وبعد الأحداث السابق ذكرها دعت بعض القوى الثورية والعديد من النشطاء السياسيين للتظاهر امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم ردا على ماحدث لهم من شباب الإخوان وبالفعل حدث ذلك أمام المكتب أمس ولكن شهد التواجد الذى دائما مايصفه الإعلام بالسلمى بالرغم ما يخلفه من حرائق وحالات تخريب وإصابات نفس ما يشهده دائما تواجد المعارضة فى أى مكان إعتداءات ومولوتوف وحرائق وإصابات بالجملة وأحداث أمس طرحت العديد من الأسئلة كانت تحتاج إلى إجابات ورددها العديد من الإعلاميين وهى
(1) هل بعد إحتراق مقرات الإخوان والإعتداء على مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم وسحل وحرق بعض أفرادهم أمس هل بعد كل ذلك مازال البعض يعتقد انهم يمتلكون ميلشيات مسلحة؟؟
(2) هل من كانوا يرددون ان الإخوان هم من قاموا بموقعة الجمل وهم من قاموا بأحداث بورسعيد وهم من يغتصبون ويتحرشون وكل ماسبق من أفعال إجرامية مازالوا يعتقدون ذلك ؟ وهل لو كان الإخوان يستأجرون بلطجية ليفعلوا ذلك لماذا لم يستأجروا نفس البلطجية للدفاع عنهم امس ؟؟
ونحن هنا نقدم لكم مجموعة من الفيديوهات التى توثق وتوضح كل ماتم من احداث أمس امام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم  

234 مصاباً في جمعة رد الكرامة والنيابة تحقق في دعوات التظاهر أمام مقر "الإخوان"

 

حازم عبدالعظيم: مليونية المقطم 22 مارس ستوجه رسالة للعالم أجمع مفادها أن الشعب لن يقبل بأن يحكم من مكتب الإرشاد

 حبس 6 شباب فى جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام مكتب الإرشاد بالمقطم.. والمتهمون يتهمون الشرطة بسحلهم http://ow.ly/2vHYRw

القوى السياسية تجدد دعوتها للمشاركة في جمعة «رد الكرامة» أمام «الإرشاد»

«الوطن» تنشر شهادات معتقلى «سلخانة المقطم الإخوانية»

فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم

بالصور.. خالد علي يحمي مصابي الإخوان خلال اشتباكات المقطم 

http://ow.ly/jlsjE

11 فيديو لاشتباكات جمعة رد الكرامة
تابع تغطية خاصة بالفيديو.. لاشتباكات المتظاهرين والإخوان أمام مقر الإرشاد بالمقطم
http://files.elwatannews.com/video_49 

بالصور.. النيران تشتعل في أحد شباب «الإخوان» خلال اشتباكات «مكتب الإرشاد» http://ow.ly/jkqQo 

إضراب المصريين احتجاجاً على نقص الوقود #مصر

شفتوا الاضرابات علشان البنزين ؟

ولسه علشان العيش والرز والسكر والمرتبات وغيره وغيره

اتقلوا تاخدوا استقرار نضيف
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سائقو الميكروباص يقطعون «دائري المعادي» احتجاجًا على اختفاء السولار

 
 قطع العشرات من سائقي الميكروباص الطريق الدائري بالمعادي من الاتجاهين عند منطقة المنيب، صباح الأحد، احتجاجًا على نقص السولار وانتظارهم عدة أيام من أجل تموين سياراتهم.

وتسببت الاحتجاجات في حالة من الاختناق المروري في مناطق المنيب وشارع البحر الأعظم، وامتدت إلى ميدان الجيزة.

انتقلت القيادات الأمنية إلى موقع الاحتجاج وحاولت إقناع السائقين بإنهاء قطع الطريق واستخدام وسائل التعبير السلمية، ووعدتهم بنقل شكواهم إلى المسؤولين في وزارتي البترول والتموين، لكن السائقين رفضوا إنهاء احتجاجهم مؤكدين أنهم يصرخون منذ أسابيع ويطالبون الحكومة بحل أزمة السولار دون جدوى، وهو ما دفعهم إلى اللجوء للتصعيد.

#Morsi and El-Beltagy and Umm Ayman and policy of Brotherhood

#Morsi and El-Erian and Umm Ayman and policy of Brotherhood

فضيحة مرسى و البلتاجى وام ايمن وسياسة السرير

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How #Morsi escaped from prison

Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How Morsi escaped from prison

Gen. Issam Elkoussy warden Lehman 430 Wadi Natrun, who fled from Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi on 28 January 2011 that prison inmates smuggling operation was organized process, and did not have parents as frequency, a certificate that contradict what the President says Morsi.

The testimony came Elkoussy Brigade in the trial of a fugitive from Wadi Alnzeron prison during the period which saw the withdrawal of police on Jan. 8, the same prison that was inside President Mursi and a number of Brotherhood leaders, all of whom fled from custody

The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi

On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.

However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 

To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.

The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.

The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.

Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.

The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.

The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.

Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.

Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.

Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.

Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

• Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
• Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
• Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
• Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president

Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.

They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.

It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.

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Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men

Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration

Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.

Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'

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But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.

Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.

'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

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Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi

Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University

One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.

Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.

A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.

Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.

Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups

Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers

Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.

In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.

While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.

Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.

Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night

Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack

Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'

The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.

'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 

Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.

Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year

Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community

The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.

Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.

'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.

Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.

The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.

Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood

A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday

If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.

Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.

Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".

The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.

Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out

Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday

The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.

The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.

The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.

The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.

Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.

Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.