‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات tahrir. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات tahrir. إظهار كافة الرسائل

2/20/2013

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT

Egypt law-makers blame women victims for sexual violence
Amnesty International condemns comments by Egyptian members of parliament which blamed
women protesters for a recent spate of sexual assaults in Cairo’s Tahrir Square.
The remarks were made on Monday during a session of the Human Rights Committee of the
Shura Council, Egypt’s upper house of Parliament.
Members of the Committee were reported to have said that women had brought the attacks
upon themselves by attending the protests; that they bore responsibly for the attacks; and that
women should not mingle with men during demonstrations.
The remarks reveal deep-seated discriminatory attitudes that throw into question the
authorities’ determination to eliminate sexual violence.
Amnesty International has expressed particular concern that such attitudes were voiced in the
Shura Council, which in the coming months is likely be asked to consider new legislation to
tackle sexual- and gender- based violence.
The organization has said it is difficult to see how an effective law to combat sexual violence
could be passed by law-makers who believe that women are to blame.
Amnesty International urges the Egyptian authorities to publicly condemn all sexual
harassment and gender-based violence.
A clear and unambiguous message is needed that women are not responsible, and that they
have the rights to freedom of expression and assembly.
Egypt is a state party to international human rights treaties which prohibit all forms of
discrimination, including on the basis of gender and requires the authorities to ensure gender-
equality.
In particular, under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, the Egyptian authorities are obliged to ensure officials refrain from engaging in any
act or practice of discrimination against women.
In a
briefing documenting the attacks
published 6 February 2013, Amnesty International
called on the Egyptian authorities to order independent investigations into the attacks in Tahrir
Square, and ensure the perpetrators are found and brought to justice in fair trials.
BACKGROUND
Violent sexual assaults against women, including rapes, have surged in the vicinity of Cairo’s
iconic Tahrir Square in recent months.
They peaked on 25 January 2013 during protests commemorating the second anniversary of
the start of the 2011 uprising that ousted President Hosni Mubarak. The attacks have been
carried out by groups of men and have lasted from a few minutes to over an hour.
 
 
 
Download:
 

2/13/2013

The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi



On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.
However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 
To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.
The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.
The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.
Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.
The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.
The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.
Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.
Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.
Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.
Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

2/08/2013

#مصر كيف تطهرين ثديك



السادة الحُكام الكتير قوى اللى عندنا دول.. انتوا بتشتغلوا بعض يا جماعة؟؟.. بتقعدوا تقولوا لبعض كلام فطش جامد قوى.. وبتصدقوا نفسكوا وفاهمين إن الناس اللى متضايقة منكم وطالع بهاليل أبوها من حكمكم قلة مندسة.. وانهم هما الشوية الصغيرين من وجهة نظركم اللى بينزلوا الميادين بالقياس لتعداد الشعب.. وبتطمنوا أنفسكم بحزب الكنبة اللى قاعد ومبطوط وما بياخدش أكشن واضح فى الشارع.. إنتوا غلطانين جدا.. مش قلة مندسة ولا كنبة.. نو.. ابسيلوتلى.. إوعوا تنسوا ان مصر فيها ما لا يقل عن عشرين تلاتين مليون نسمة ساكنين العشوائيات والمقابر والذى منه.. سيبكم من المثقفين والنخبة اللى دايسين على عصب ضرسكوا وبيلعبوا البخت فى بوبو عينكوا دول.. وبيحاولوا يقودوا المعركة بشكل حضارى أصبح مرفوض من الشارع.. ولا توهموا أنفسكم انكم نجحتم فى إفشالهم.. فرغم أن الشارع أصبح يحتج على دبلوماسيتهم ومبادراتهم ومؤتمراتهم السلمية.. ويراهم متراخين فى تحقيق ما يرنو إليه الآن وحالًا.. وهو تغيير السلطة الحاكمة التى اتضح فشلها الذريع وخيبتها التقيلة لكل مواطن مهما كان مستواه الاجتماعى وثقافته.. إلا أنهم يدركون فى قرارة أنفسهم أن وجود المعارضة هو صمام أمان.. حتى لو تقاعست مرحليا عن تحقيق رغبتهم الحالية.. لأنها لو تركت الميدان تماما.. فسوف تتركهم فى مواجهتكم وحدهم.. وساعتها سيحدث ما لا تحمد عقباه لهم ولكم.. حايبقى منكم ليهم طس..
■ سكان العشوائيات والمقابر اللى هما مش ناس جاهلة ولا بالضرورة فقيرة.. بل لديهم وعى خاص بهم يفوق وعيكم بمراحل.. لكنهم ناس اضطُهدوا على مدار تلاتين سنة من مبارك بدون سبب.. وهى دى جريمته الأولى والأكثر فحشاً من كل جرائم الفساد.. دول وجدوا نفسهم مضطرين لخلق مجتمع لنفسهم عافية كده لما ما لاقوش مكان فى المجتمع المستقر حواليهم.. ودول مش طايقينكم.. حايطلعوا طلعة واحدة.. مش على المجتمع اللى حاولوا يتعايشوا معاه وقبلوه وقبلهم حيث إن الاتنين لم يكن لهم أى حيلة.. لكن عليكم لأنكم بتزودوا العيشة ضلام والجيب فراغ والأمن ضياع.. هؤلاء الناس ليسوا جياعاً ولا جهلة ولا حيوانات.. دول ناس ظروف الحياة خلقت لديهم فلسفة.. لأنهم رغم الفقر والضنك بيتعلموا من الموت اللى حواليهم واللى بيكوّن معظم الفلسفة لديهم.. فإذا كنتم تعوّلون على أنهم إذا خرجوا فى ثورة جياع سيأكلون الأخضر واليابس اللى هو احنا.. فاعلموا أنكم أنتم معظم الأخضر واليابس.. لأنهم يدركون أن المعارضة لا تملك أى سلطة ولا تشرّع شيئاً ولا تقرر ماذا تفعل بموارد ومقدرات البلد.. المعارضة لا تختصر العيش فى ثلاثة أرغفة.. لا تطلق شيوخا يفتون بالقتل.. ولا تضطهد الأقباط.. ولا تقسم الشعب وتشيع الفتنة الطائفية.. ولا تهدر القضاء وتهينه.. ولا تنتهك النساء وتتحرش بهم.. ولا تطلق عصابات شوارع تحت مسمى النهى عن المنكر.. ولا تستورد قتلة من حماس ولا أفغانستان.. ولا تغتال الشهداء بسبق إصرار وترصد.. ولا تعذب الناس فى الأقسام والسجون.. ولا تسحلهم فى الشوارع والله يعلم ماذا يحدث خلف الحيطان.. أنتم الذين تضعون أيديكم على الشرطة المختفية والجيش المتباعد.. وأنتم الذين تملكون المال والتمويل الخارجى والداخلى.. وأنتم الذين تعقدون الصفقات غير المفهومة مع قطر وإيران وحماس وإسرائيل وأمريكا.. أى أن القوة معكم ولكنها عليهم.. فاصحوا للدور بقى.. البلد بقت خرابة بينعق فيها البوم.
■ يصر بعض المخططين، سكان الغرف المظلمة والسراديب والدهاليز والدخانيق، على تجاهل قدرة الطرف الذى يخططون له.. المشكلة كلها فى أنهم يخططون لجريمة زى التحرش والاغتصاب الجماعى المنظم لنساء مصر داخل مجتمع مسالم بطبعه.. مش واخد ع الجريمة.. عشان كده بيتفاجئ.. وبتتحسب الضربة الأولى للمعتدى.. وبالتالى بيفرح ويزأطط إنه روَّع وخوف وانتهك حرمة المرأة المصرية.. وتوّبها تنزل الشارع.. غلطان يا كوتش.. غلطان قوى.. لأنك مفترض ان نتيجة الضربة الأولى ستسرى للأبد وبكده تكون تخلصت من عنصر المرأة اللى حاتقول يام وتكش وتخاف وتهجع وتستكين.. والنبى نذاكر تاريخ شوية بقى.. ونفتكر مع بعضينا وسائل انتقام المرأة لما ينداس عليها بالصُرم وتتقهر أوفر.. من أول دشدشة ألواح السرير على نافوخ المستر لحد ما يبقى هو وعجينة الطعمية واحد.. مرورا بدلق حلة زيت مغلى عليه وهو مأنتخ فى البانيو قال بياخد حمام رغاوى.. أو خلط كباية الشاى كل يوم بسم فيران أو ليسيد قاتل القمل والصئبان.. لحد تقطيعه وتشوينه فى أكياس بلاستيك وبيعه فى السوق على إنه عفشة عجل صومالى.. فما بالك بقى بالانتقام من جريمة تحرش واغتصاب مدبرة؟؟.. أهى دى مافيهاش بقى قطع غيار ولا أجهزة تعويضية.
■ السادة الإخوة الإخوان والسادة الإخوة السلفيين.. حبوا بعض يا ولاد.. مالكوش إلا بعض.. إنتوا برضه فريقين زائرين على أرض مضيفة محايدة.. ما تشمتوش الشعب كله فيكوا.. ده حتى عيب لما واحد م الإخوان يهدد السلفيين بأنه حايدخلهم السجن.. قوم السلفى يقوله مش حاندخل لوحدينا.. حانجيبلكم احنا سجون منين بقى؟؟.. إحنا بنهدى النفوس يعنى.. آه..
■ منك لله يا شريف يا عامر.. يا مقدم برنامج الحياة اليوم.. كشفت راسى ودعيت عليك تتشتح تشتيحتنا وتتشندل شندلتنا.. قولوا آمين.. مانت السبب.. انت اللى استضفت سعد الصغير يوم ما سحب استمارة الترشح للرئاسة.. وخليته اعترف انه كان بيهزر ورجع فى كلامه.. كنت تسيبه يا شريف.. سيبه يا خويا.. سيبه يا حبيبى.. عاجبك اللى احنا فيه ده؟؟..
■ إحنا آسفين يا جنزورى.. ياللا بجملة.. اشمعنى كل الناس شغالة دلوقتى إحنا آسفين يا مبارك.. إحنا آسفين يا شفشق.. إحنا آسفين يا حمدين.. جت عالجنزورى يعنى؟.. ده هو أحق واحد بالأسف اليومين دول..
■ كانت فرصة ذهبية أن يطرح السيد رئيس الوزراء قضية عدم نظافة الصدر أثناء الإرضاع مما يصيب الأطفال فى الأرياف بالإسهال.. وبالتالى نطرح نحن الطريقة المثالية لتوخى الحذر من هذه الظاهرة المريعة الشينيعة الفزززيعة.. سيدتى.. لتطهير حلمة الثدى قبل إلقامها للطفل الرضيع عليكى القيام بالآتى:
إحضار كسرولة صغيرة مناسبة لحجم الثدى.. أو متوسطة.. أو حلة.. وفيه ناس حجم ثديها يستحمل بستلة.. واملئيها بالماء وضعيها على النار حتى تغلى.. ثم انحنى للأمام وأسقطى الصدر اليمين فيها حتى يتسلق.. ارفعيه وأسقطى الشمال.. ده ان كنتى لسه عايشة.. وبهذا يتم تعقيم الحلمتين حتى لا يصاب الطفل بالإسهال.. علماً بأنه لا يصاب بالإسهال أصلاً قبل أربعة شهور لأن لبن الأم يحتوى على أجسام مضادة للميكروب تمنع نقل أى بكتيريا أو فطريات جلدية للطفل.. ياللا مش مهم.. المهم إننا عرفنا إن رئيس وزراءنا جامد طحن تنين حشد.. وفاقس فولة الفلاحين اللى بيصحوا من النوم يفطروا.. وبعدين الولية تقول للراجل: طيب أنا رايحة الغيط أُغتصب.. عايز حاجة؟؟.. فيقولها: لأ بس خللى بالك ما تجيبيش عيال معاكى من بره.. كفاية اللى عندنا.. أما نخلصهم نبقى نجيب تانى

2/06/2013

مسيرة الشارع لنا #مصر #التحرير #egypt Protesters condemn the sexual harassment of female protesters and security force violence

مسيرة جديدة ضد التحرش ببنات مصر
The women of Egypt have said their word: Patience has limits!
The women of Egypt raise their knives during the "Street is Ours" march yesterday against Sexual Harassment/Assault in Egyptian streets
Op Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault قوة ضد التحرش/الإعتداء الجنسي الجماعي HarassMap خريطة التحرش الجنسي


Op Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault قوة ضد التحرش/الإعتداء الجنسي الجماعي


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 أم كلثوم ترفع سكّينها 



















2/03/2013

البطلة ياسمين البرماوي

البطلة ياسمين البرماوي، التي دفعت ثمن مشاركتها في الثورة المصرية باغتصاب جماعي لجسدها في قلب ميدان التحرير، تحدّت الإرهاب الجنسي وفضحت فساد المجتمع المصري، الذي يعتبر أنّ المرأة المغتصبة هي العار، عندما تكلمت علناً عن ما حصل لها أمام العالم كلّه ورأسها مرفوع... شجاعتك تعلمنا الثورة يا ياسمين، كرامتك تعلمنا معنى الكرامة، وحريتك تعلمنا معنى الحرية.
ألف تحيّة لك يا ست البنات !



The heroine Yasmine Al Baramawy not only paid the price for her participation in the Egyptian Revolution by being gang raped in the middle of Tahrir Square. But she challenged the sexual terrorism and exposed the corrupt Egyptian society which considers a raped woman as a shame, when she publicly spoke out about what happened to her with her on TV in front of the whole world, head held high.

Your courage teaches us what revolution is, your dignity teaches us what dignity means, and your freedom teaches us what freedom means.

We Salute you, we salute you Yasmine the lady of all ladies
. —

2/02/2013

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration


  • Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
  • Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
  • Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
  • Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president



Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.
They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.
It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.
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Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.
Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'
But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.
Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.
'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.
Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.
A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.
Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.
Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.
In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.
While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.
Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.
Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'
The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.
'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 
Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.
Face-off: Some protestors yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head
Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year
Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.
Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.
'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.
Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.
The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.
Imprisonment: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Squareon Friday
A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday
If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.
Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.
Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".
The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.
Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.
The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.
The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.
The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.
Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.
Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.

12/13/2012

Say no to the constitution of the Muslim Brotherhood

Say No
to the constitution 
of the 
Muslim Brotherhood

لية هنقول لا لدستور الاخوان المسلمين


































11/29/2012

Wrap Up of events in Egypt


Wrap Up of events in Egypt













11/27/2012

Tahrir,Egypt 28 Nov 2012



Tahrir to Day


FUCK OFF MORSI