‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Anti_ikhwan. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Anti_ikhwan. إظهار كافة الرسائل

8/17/2015

Egypt: Establish International Inquiry Into Rab’a Massacre

(Beirut) – Egyptian authorities have held no government official or member of the security forces responsible for the mass killing of protesters in Cairo’s Rab’a al-Adawiya Square two years ago. On August 14, 2013, security forces killed at least 817 people and most likely more than 1,000 at a mass sit-in in what probably amounted to crimes against humanity.

Given the Egyptian government’s refusal to properly investigate the killings or provide any redress for the victims, the United Nations Human Rights Council should establish an international commission of inquiry into the brutal clearing of the Rab’a al-Adawiya sit-in and other mass killings of protesters in July and August 2013. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights should establish a similar investigation.





An officer from the Egyptian Central Security Forces (CSF) takes aim at a crowd of retreating protesters as security forces disperse the Rab’a sit-in on August 14, 2013.
© 2013 AFP/Getty Images


“Washington and Europe have gone back to business with a government that celebrates rather than investigates what may have been the worst single-day killing of protesters in modern history,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director. “The UN Human Rights Council, which has not yet addressed Egypt’s dangerous and deteriorating human rights situation, is one of the few remaining routes to accountability for this brutal massacre.”




The United States and Egypt’s European allies, rather than seriously addressing the rank impunity of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s government, contend that it is a national security priority to resume their relationships with Egypt, including providing Egypt with military aid and hardware.
The dispersal of the Rab’a al-Adawiya sit-in occurred on August 14, 2013, a little more than a month after the Egyptian military – under then-Defense Minister al-Sisi – removed Mohamed Morsy, Egypt’s first freely elected president and a former high-level official in the Muslim Brotherhood. Morsy’s ouster followed mass protests against his rule. Afterward, Brotherhood supporters and others opposed to the military’s actions held protests throughout Egypt. Security forces systematically confronted the protests with deadly force. Between Morsy’s ouster on July 3, 2013, and August 16, 2013, Human Rights Watch documented six instances when security forces unlawfully killed protesters, leaving at least 1,185 people dead.
The dispersal of the Rab’a al-Adawiya Square sit-in, where the crowd reached 85,000 at its height, was the worst of these incidents. The government announced its intention to clear the sit-in but did not announce a date. At first light on August 14, security forces using armored personnel carriers and snipers fired on the crowd with live ammunition shortly after playing a recorded announcement to clear the square through loudspeakers. Police provided no safe exit and fired on many who tried to escape.
Authorities had anticipated a high number of casualties; both Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim and Prime Minister Hazem al-Beblawy said publicly after the dispersal that they had expected that more protesters would have been killed. A year later, al-Beblawy was quoted as saying in an interview with al-Masry al-Youm, an independent newspaper, that “all options were bad” for resolving the sit-in and that anyone who “committed a mistake” should be sent to court.




       Washington and Europe have gone back to business with a government that celebrates rather than investigates what may have been the worst single-day killing of protesters in modern history. The UN Human Rights Council, which has not yet addressed Egypt’s dangerous and deteriorating human rights situation, is one of the few remaining routes to accountability for this brutal massacre.

Joe Stork


Earlier, Egyptian military and police killed 61 protesters outside the Republican Guard headquarters on July 8 and 95 protesters at Cairo’s Manassa Memorial on July 27. On the day of the Rab’a dispersal, police killed at least 87 protesters while clearing another Cairo sit-in at al-Nahda Square. On August 16, police killed at least another 120 people who continued to protest Morsy’s ouster in Ramsis Square in downtown Cairo.
The widespread and systematic nature of these killings, and the evidence Human Rights Watch collected, suggests that the killings were part of a policy to use lethal force against largely unarmed protesters, making them probable crimes against humanity.
In December 2013, the Egyptian government established the June 30 Fact-Finding Committee, named after the date on which protests against the Morsy government began, to look into the killings and the events that precipitated and followed them. The government released an executive summary of the committee’s findings on November 26, 2014, that did not recommend charges against any government official or member of the security forces.
The government has not released the full report and has not signaled any intention to do so. The Prosecutor General’s office, which has the prerogative and responsibility to open criminal investigations, has not announced any charges. On July 16, al-Sisi’s cabinet approved renaming Rab’a square after Hisham Barakat, the prosecutor general who gave legal approval to the 2013 dispersal and who was assassinated in June.
The only prosecution to emerge from the mass killings of July and August 2013 concerned the suffocation deaths of 37 protesters on August 18, 2013. The men, who had been arrested at the Rab’a dispersal, died after a policeman fired a teargas canister inside the overcrowded prison van where they were temporarily held. On August 13, 2015, a court reduced a 10-year sentence for a police lieutenant colonel involved in the deaths to 5 years following a retrial. The case could still proceed to Egypt’s highest appellate court. Three lower-ranking officers have all received one-year suspended sentences.
Police arrested hundreds of protesters during the Rab’a sit-in dispersal and held them in pretrial detention for nearly two years. On August 12, prosecutors referred the case to trial, accusing the protesters of a number of crimes, including blocking roads and harming national unity. Al-Shorouk, an independent newspaper, reported that prosecutors have not disclosed the number of protesters being sent to trial, though lawyers believe that more than 400 are being held.
US officials have refrained from characterizing Morsy’s removal as a coup, which would have triggered the immediate halt of military aid. But after the Rab’a killings, the US cancelled planned joint military exercises with Egypt and announced a review of “further steps that we may take as necessary with respect to the US-Egyptian relationship.”
In October 2013, the US suspended the delivery of four major weapons systems to Egypt. In August 2014, it lifted that suspension and delivered 10 Apache attack helicopters. In March 2015, the administration lifted all suspensions, allowing delivery of 12 F-16 fighter jets and up to 125 M1A1 tank kits, while also announcing plans to tighten restrictions on Egypt’s military aid buying power. In August, Secretary of State John Kerry went to Cairo to lead the first Strategic Dialogue with Egypt since 2009.
European governments – particularly France, Germany, and the United Kingdom – have embraced al-Sisi’s government. Al-Sisi met President Francois Hollande in France in November 2014, and France subsequently sold Egypt 24 Rafale fighter jets and delivered the first 3 on July 21. In June 2015, al-Sisi met with Chancellor Angela Merkel in Berlin on the same day that the German industrial company Siemens signed an 8 billion euro deal to supply gas- and wind-power plants to Egypt. The government of UK Prime Minister David Cameron has also invited al-Sisi to meet.
“The lack of justice for the victims of the Rab’a massacre and other mass killings is an open wound in Egyptian history,” Stork said. “Addressing this crime is necessary before Egypt can begin to move forward.”


11/18/2013

#Morsi dressed in white prison uniform #egypt #MB

Newspapers in Egypt have released photographs of deposed President Mohammed Morsi dressed in white prison uniform at Burj Al-Arab prison where he is being held.
The former Islamist President appears to be smiling for the camera, despite ob
--> jections to wearing the white outfit during his trial when he stated that the court and the trial are illegitimate.

In response to the photographs, the Muslim Brotherhood has called on supporters of Morsi to 'dress in white' and to 'dress their families in white' in solidarity with the deposed President.

What are your thoughts on the Muslim Brotherhood's call? Does it simply ignore the fact that all other prisoners - including those from the Mubarak regime - must wear such outfits too?

9/13/2013

How #Egypt Is Systematically Hunting Down The #Muslim_Brotherhood

The show had just started. It was one of those debates that the new private Egyptian channels love to produce: Viewers can call in to denounce a terrorist, live on air.
In front of his television, Yasser was listening to the host describe an “individual who seriously affects the image of the country.” The host repeated his name, again and again, so the audience wouldn’t forget. At that moment, on his couch, Yasser suddenly realized that this “terrorist” for whom the hunt was now on was him: a 40-year-old father of two who works at a conference center used by the Freedom and Justice Party, the Muslim Brotherhood’s political organization in Egypt.

His wife told him right away, “You have to leave.” 
But he refused, saying he “hasn't done anything wrong.”
Last year, Yasser and his wife gave up a comfortable situation in Dubai to return to Cairo, filled with enthusiasm after then-President Mohamed Morsi’s election and the arrival of an Islamist government. Over the summer, the Egyptian Army violently removed the elected leaders, and these last few weeks, the repression has become more judicial than military, as it was at the outset. At least 1,700 people have been arrested and placed in 15 police precincts and four prisons of the capital, according to an investigation carried out by an association of lawyers.
On his couch, Yasser can hardly believe that the police will come to arrest him. “Why me? The police only target high-ranking members.” And his wife: “Your colleagues have already left, haven’t they?” Former prominent ministers or more obscure Muslim Brotherhood members have been forced by the hundreds into hiding.
In Cairo, life seems almost normal after a summer of riots and mourning. Security checkpoints have been eased, and hotels have been openly organizing “special curfew” nights. The atmosphere, however, remains electric. The Egyptian capital is still on high alert. News flashes appear hourly on mobile phones.
We learn that Morsi, the deposed president, will be tried for “incitement to murder,” though the date of the trial is unclear. The first pro-Morsi demonstrators’ trial just took place before a military court in Suez, and the sentences are breathtaking — 10 to 15 years’ imprisonment, and a life sentence for one.
“There’s clearly a particular hostility toward Islamists,” says Amr Hassan, a lawyer. He is 29 and looks nothing like what someone might imagine an Islamist sympathizer would.
In 2011, Hassan founded a legal collective for defending demonstrators arrested on Tahrir Square in the struggle against then-President Hosni Mubarak’s regime. This time, the ones calling him are families of those who were among the truckloads of Morsi supporters raided by the police during last summer’s sit-ins.
Hassan says that, on a legal level at least, the fight is at least as hard as in 2011. “Many are being sued for weapon possession or for murder, which was not the case for Tahrir Square,” he explains. “Do you know what the most surprising part is? The official reports accuse them of having not only fired shots against the police, but also ‘inadvertently’ against their own troops.”
Abdallah Fattif, vice president of the Egyptian Judges’ Club, defends the charges. “All the procedures are legal. There have maybe been excesses concerning the intensity of the use of force, but [you] have to understand, we had no choice.”
The club’s headquarters has been located in the same elegant building for decades. It is the only official federation for judicial authorities in Egypt. “The new authorities first planned on banning the Freedom and Justice Party, maybe even the Muslim Brotherhood,” Fattif says. “It finally preferred the criminal prosecutions to the political ones. We have now entered a context of war on terrorism.”
Some 150 judges — out of 50,000 — signed a manifesto supporting Morsi when he was in power. Since his destitution, their cases have been taken away from them, and investigations will decide about their professional suspension. At least a dozen of them are also on the run.
Sending a message
It was around 5 a.m. a few days earlier, when Yasser and his wife heard the police cars driving up the street, escorted by young informants from the area pointing out their house. The whole neighborhood had gotten out of their beds and assembled to see men in dark face masks banging on Yasser’s door, as if they were issuing a general warning: “This is what can happen to you.”
Yasser had stayed. He had no backup plan, and no one to call.
In the streets of Cairo, after each Friday prayer, the Morsi supporters try reassembling their numbers to demonstrate. Between 10,000 and 40,000 people — depending on the weeks — march in a capital, otherwise on lockdown. Still, it's nothing compared with last summer’s explosion of violence.
In this security-driven context, the tone has also changed. Foreign journalists are now welcomed into the country. Women shake hands without anybody making comments. People smile at them and look them straight in the eye, even if their arms are uncovered.
It is here, in the middle of this visible crowd, that Bachir risks going out. He introduces himself with a small, almost teasing smile. He is a pharmacy technician, a longstanding activist in Islamist politics and, since July, coordinator of the Youth Against Coup Movement. Convinced he is being followed, he has not returned to his house for a number of days.
“While the Muslim Brotherhood has spent the larger part of their history in secrecy, no strategy whatsoever had been prepared in the case of any problem,” Bachir says. “It shows the Brotherhood’s incompetence and the disaster that they created by taking power. What a mistake!”
Around him, he recognizes at least “200 people, some of them living in secret like I am.” That day, in the heat and swarm of the demonstration, meetings are arranged under cover. News travels fast. The spokesmen of the new Youth Against Coup Movement have also been rounded up. Since the arrests of Morsi’s assistants, the ministerial staff, chosen during the Brotherhood’s time in power, is currently fleeing en masse. “We no longer have a leader,” another member says. “We are poorly organized. Luckily,
A military helicopter flies over the demonstration. The crowd breaks into applause, as if it were the last recognition of their strength, the proof that their history is not yet finished.
“The army has done good by wanting to do bad,” Bachir says. “A whole generation of Brotherhood members is about to retire, enabling young ones to take over.” That sly little smile is back: “Never mind the exorbitant price. I don’t think it is a problem if we have to pay it.”
A few members of the former government — such as the minister of youth — know that an arrest warrant hangs over them. Some find out by accident, while others are completely denied any due process. By now, most of them have vanished.
“In fact, nobody understands anything about the situation. This confusion maintains the state of panic,” another lawyer, also in charge of cases, explains. “Apart from the arrests at the top, such as the head of the government or the Brotherhood’s Supreme Leader, the new authorities are giving the impression that they are striking randomly anyone they can get their hands on, at the top or at the bottom, with a preference maybe for those who are closest to the media.”
The lawyer says he is deeply committed to the Islamist movement. Like all his fellow members, he refuses to consider that those on the run could turn to violence, “except of course those who are isolated.” And with so many hiding around town? He seems more and more distressed, not being able to answer. He starts asking himself questions: “What if the army had set up this operation to force us to take up arms and really turn us into terrorists?”
He gets up and comes back with a stack of paper. “Take them!” He speaks as if he had just been convicted, as if he were leaving his most precious belongings before the fatal moment. His lips tremble a bit under his trimmed moustache. The only sound left to be heard is Cairo’s deafening traffic against the office windows. “I’m expecting them too: They will come to arrest me.” 
In the Cairo streets, portraits of Army General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the nation's new military strongman, are posted on every shop. Yasser eventually fled, at the last moment. He is sitting in a café near the Nile. His eyes glance in every direction without being able to settle on anything. “Everything will get back to normal, won’t it? Do you think we will get the government back?” His phone rings. It’s his mother. He immediately starts lying. “I’m staying with friends. I’m safe. Pray for us.”
Then a message appears on mobile phones all over the city: a car bomb has just exploded outside the Ministry of the Interior.

About this article source Website: http://www.lemonde.fr/

8/24/2013

An Illustrated History of the #Muslim_Brotherhood #Egypt

A half-century journey from the underground to the corridors of power.


 

8/23/2013

#Muslim_Brotherhood - Underground History #Egypt #MB

The Muslim Brotherhood began organizing in America in the 1956s.  They formed a variety of Islamic institutions and organizations as front groups for their activities.  These included Muslim charities, businesses and cultural centers.  The geographic center of their activity is Fairfax County



Virginia, near Washington, DC.  Various groups have interlocking boards of directors.  Many of the groups “were laundering terrorist-bound funds through a maze of shell companies and fronts” (p. 228).  This was an entire network of criminal conspiracy. 
 

Secret documents of the Brotherhood
 
The investigation of Ismail Elbarasse uncovered secret documents that revealed the depth of this conspiracy.  Elbarasse was a founding member of the Dar al-Hijrah Islamic Center in Falls Church, Virginia.  One of the imams of this mosque declared that Muslims could blow up bridges as long as civilian casualties were minimized.  Elbarasse was arrested while videotaping the supports of the Chesapeake Bay Bridge.  These seized documents were the archives of the U.S. branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. 
 
In America the Muslim Brotherhood has set up front groups to funnel money to Hamas suicide bombers while their front groups project an image of peace.  The Muslim Brotherhood aims to Islamize America.  It does this by building an Islamic ‘infrastructure’ that will eventually rule America.  It has become deeply entrenched in America as it seeks to undermine the country from within. 
Documents seized in Elbarasses’ home showed the goals of the Muslim Brotherhood.  It seeks to replace the United States Constitution with Islamic, Shariah law.  Leader Mohammed Akram Adlouni wrote,
 


                 


“The Ikhwan (Brotherhood) must understand that their work in
      America is
     a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the Western 
     civilization from within, and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by the
     hands of the believers, so that it is eliminated and Allah’s religion
     is made victorious over all other religions” (p. 230). 
 
The documents listed thirty major Muslim organizations connected with the Muslim Brotherhood and operated as front groups.  These groups included the Council for American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) and others, all of which use deceit to hide their real intentions.  
These documents were entered as evidence in the Holy Land Foundation terror trial.  The supporting names in the documents were listed as unindicted conspirators.  FBI agent John Guandolo says “every major Muslim group in the United States is controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood…It is a genuine conspiracy to overthrow the government, and they have organizations to do it, and they have written doctrines outlining their plan” (p. 231). 
 
Indictments and criminal activity
 
In 2009, Brotherhood leaders were sentenced to prison on charges of conspiracy in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism case.  Shukir Abu Baker, Mohammad El-Mezain, and CAIR founding director Ghassan Elashi were convicted of funneling millions of dollars to the terrorist group Hamas (p. 233).  The authors comment, “With each new indictment, the Muslim establishment in America looks more and more like a religious crime syndicate” (p. 234). 
 
“Ihawan Mafia” is a term investigators use to describe the Muslim Brotherhood because they operate in an “underworld of illegal activities conducted under the cover of fronts with legitimate-sounding names” (p. 236).  The heads of Muslim Brotherhood are divided into various wings; Hamas, Saudi Arabia, Pakistani, and the founding ‘nucleus’, the Islamic Society of North America.  The authors identify the five fundamental goals of the Muslim Brotherhood:
 
                “1.  Supporting Palestinian terrorists and seeking Israel’s destruction.
                 2.  Gutting U.S. anti-terrorism laws.
                 3.  Loosening Muslim immigration.
                 4.  Converting Americans to Islam, with a special focus on Hispanic
          immigrants and black inmates and soldiers (attractive white
          Christian women are another prize conversion).
                 5.  Infiltrating the government and institutionalizing Shariah law in America” 
                                                                                   (p. 238)
       
Mosques
 
The Muslim Brotherhood conducts its secret business behind the façade of religion.  Mosques serve as recruiting centers for the Grand Jihad.  Brotherhood documents reveal that the mosques will “prepare us and supply our battalions in addition to being the ‘niche’ of our prayers” (p. 244).  The United States Constitution gives religious liberty to all its citizens and this provides cover for the Brotherhood.  Brotherhood internal documents reveal they consider the United States “our Dar al-Arqam’ – our safehouse (p. 245). 
 
This hiding behind a major religion is calculated.  The authors observe, “Fearing accusations of religious bigotry, Washington is still reluctant to aggressively prosecute it” (p. 245).  Notice how criticism of Islam is treated by the liberal-leftist media.  Anyone who raises questions about the peaceful image of Islam or criticizes Islam is labeled a bigot, hate-monger or Islamophobe.  This too is part of Sharia law where no criticism of Mohammad or Islam is allowed.  Non-Muslims must learn not to challenge Islam.  They must lower their eyes and bow to Islam. 



Jihadwatch.com

This is a helpful website to keep up on what Islamists are doing to undermine our democratic government.


8/22/2013

Documenting the crimes of the #Muslim_Brotherhood in #Egypt

Short Documentary | Brotherhood Crimes

 

some in international community meddling in Egypt's decision to forcibly evict the pro-Morsi sit-ins, saying countries overlooked Brotherhood crimes

 

 


MB supporter terrorists threatenes to burn the country after being arrested at Al Nahda sit in 


Muslims Brotherhood resisting police during the disengagement of the sit in at Rab3a al Adaweya

Weapons that have been seized during the disengagement of the sit in at Al Nahda



Security found a coffin filled with ammunition, pistols, cartridges at Al Nahda sit in

Brotherhood burning tents and belongings before Disengagement their sit-in

Violence and attacks of government installations in



A fire set on in a church in Minya





More than 20 dead bodies found under Rab3a Al Adaweya platform


Brotherhood elements ignite fires in Cairo


Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots


Protesters setting fire at Rabaa Al Adaweya mosque before departure





#UP Date

Muslim Brotherhood leader Walid Khatab says “The streets would sink in blood and the police and army are of no value to us
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tm887hVNM-A
A Morsi supporter threatenes to burn the country after being arrested at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6g49VlsGtd0
Muslims Brotherhood resisting police during the disengagement of the sit in at Rab3a al Adaweya
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GO3Rh3OdDOg
Weapons that have been seized during the disengagement of the sit in at Al Nahda
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=owIS8IqiRek
Security found a coffin filled with ammunition, pistols, cartridges at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kIAX41kLkdY
Brotherhood burning tents and belongings before Disengagement their sit-in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdkb0XfYrJ0
Violence and attacks of government installations in Egypt
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RkGn7h_eeuY
A fire set on in a church in Minya
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KRNq3KCSmhw
More than 20 dead bodies found under Rab3a Al Adaweya platform
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1paxyysbOBc
Brotherhood elements ignite fires in Cairo
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=REZv5E4bFvk
Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TTTTNpgsRKY
Muslims Brotherhood cut Game3et Al Dewal Street and the masked men fire shots
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6JdL9lPU9mw
Police seized a large quantity of weapons and live ammunition at Al Nahda sit in
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lROCtr2hyNU
Scenes of the killing os Kerdasa Department officers by members of the Muslim Brotherhood
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ljuk2WH3iYE
Dragging and killing of a taxi driver by supporters of the outsed president in Alexandria
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4VYsU9goF74
Protesters setting fire at Rabaa Al Adaweya mosque before departure
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZsLd6GOI7yg&feature=share
Field execution chamber and the gallows at the hospital at Rabaa Al Adaweya
http://videoyoum7.com/?p=218865
Worldwide scandal broadcasted by the Egyptian television of the Muslim Brotherhood and watch what they did
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yfoWLuro-X8&feature=share
Muslims Brotherhood tried to kill photographers while being filmed using their gunshttps:
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=544233678957492
crime:muslims brotherhood killing egyptian by pushing them above buildings
http://youtu.be/XiXOZFV7RNk











8/21/2013

Pallywood training in #Egypt as #Muslim_Brotherhood "terrorists" pose for the cameras

It shows a Muslim Brotherhood "terrorists" in Egypt that was specifically staged to get the most dramatic poses, as the actors freeze their poses for the photographers. Injuries and even bloodstains are faked.


8/19/2013

حملة إلكترونية لإدراج «الإخوان» ضمن قائمة «المنظمات الإرهابية» بالعالم #Egypt

تم تدشين الحملة العالمية لجمع التوقيعات لكى يتم ارداج منظمة الاخوان المسلمين ضمن منظمات الارهاب الدولية ولمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة  بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها،

للتوقيع من هنا
لمطالبة منظمات المجتمع الدولي، ومناشدة ما وصفهم بأصحاب الضمير الشرفاء فى كل مكان، بحظر نشاط الجماعة بكل ما هو متاح من الوسائل، واعتبارها تنظيمًا إرهابيًا، ومصادرة مقراتها وأملاكها وأموالها، حسب الصفحة الرسمية للموقع. - See more at: http://almogaz.com/news/politics/2013/08/18/1057029#sthash.wmdlIio3.dpuf

8/18/2013

#Egypt: Muslim Brotherhood militias hit Christian churches

After torching a Franciscan school, Islamists paraded three nuns on the streets like "prisoners of war" before a Muslim woman offered them refuge. Two other women working at the school were sexually harassed and abused as they fought their way through a mob.
In the four days since security forces cleared two sit-in camps by supporters of Egypt's ousted president, Islamists have attacked dozens of Coptic churches along with homes and businesses owned by the Christian minority. The campaign of intimidation appears to be a warning to Christians outside Cairo to stand down from political activism.
Christians have long suffered from discrimination and violence in Muslim majority Egypt, where they make up 10 percent of the population of 90 million. Attacks increased after the Islamists rose to power in the wake of the 2011 Arab Spring uprising that drove Hosni Mubarak from power, emboldening extremists. But Christians have come further under fire since President Mohammed Morsi was ousted on July 3, sparking a wave of Islamist anger led by Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood.

Nearly 40 churches have been looted and torched, while 23 others have been attacked and heavily damaged since Wednesday, when chaos erupted after Egypt's military-backed interim administration moved in to clear two camps packed with protesters calling for Morsi's reinstatement, killing scores of protesters and sparking deadly clashes nationwide.
One of the world's oldest Christian communities has generally kept a low-profile, but has become more politically active since Mubarak was ousted and Christians sought to ensure fair treatment in the aftermath.
Many Morsi supporters say Christians played a disproportionately large role in the days of mass rallies, with millions demanding that he step down ahead of the coup.
Despite the violence, Egypt's Coptic Christian church renewed its commitment to the new political order Friday, saying in a statement that it stood by the army and the police in their fight against "the armed violent groups and black terrorism."
While the Christians of Egypt have endured attacks by extremists, they have drawn closer to moderate Muslims in some places, in a rare show of solidarity.
Hundreds from both communities thronged two monasteries in the province of Bani Suef south of Cairo to thwart what they had expected to be imminent attacks on Saturday, local activist Girgis Waheeb said. Activists reported similar examples elsewhere in regions south of Cairo, but not enough to provide effective protection of churches and monasteries.
Waheeb, other activists and victims of the latest wave of attacks blame the police as much as hard-line Islamists for what happened. The attacks, they said, coincided with assaults on police stations in provinces like Bani Suef and Minya, leaving most police pinned down to defend their stations or reinforcing others rather than rushing to the rescue of Christians under attack.
Another Christian activist, Ezzat Ibrahim of Minya, a province also south of Cairo where Christians make up around 35 percent of the population, said police have melted away from seven of the region's nine districts, leaving the extremists to act with near impunity.
Two Christians have been killed since Wednesday, including a taxi driver who strayed into a protest by Morsi supporters in Alexandria and another man who was shot to death by Islamists in the southern province of Sohag, according to security officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to release the information.
The attacks served as a reminder that Islamists, while on the defensive in Cairo, maintain influence and the ability to stage violence in provincial strongholds with a large minority of Christians.
Gamaa Islamiya, the hard-line Islamist group that wields considerable influence in provinces south of Cairo, denied any link to the attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood, which has led the defiant protest against Morsi's ouster, has condemned the attacks, spokesman Mourad Ali said.
Sister Manal is the principal of the Franciscan school in Bani Suef. She was having breakfast with two visiting nuns when news broke of the clearance of the two sit-in camps by police, killing hundreds. In an ordeal that lasted about six hours, she, sisters Abeer and Demiana and a handful of school employees saw a mob break into the school through the wall and windows, loot its contents, knock off the cross on the street gate and replace it with a black banner resembling the flag of al-Qaida.
By the time the Islamists ordered them out, fire was raging at every corner of the 115-year-old main building and two recent additions. Money saved for a new school was gone, said Manal, and every computer, projector, desk and chair was hauled away. Frantic SOS calls to the police, including senior officers with children at the school, produced promises of quick response but no one came.
The Islamists gave her just enough time to grab some clothes.
In an hourlong telephone interview with The Associated Press, Manal, 47, recounted her ordeal while trapped at the school with others as the fire raged in the ground floor and a battle between police and Islamists went on out on the street. At times she was overwhelmed by the toxic fumes from the fire in the library or the whiffs of tears gas used by the police outside.
Sister Manal recalled being told a week earlier by the policeman father of one pupil that her school was targeted by hard-line Islamists convinced that it was giving an inappropriate education to Muslim children. She paid no attention, comfortable in the belief that a school that had an equal number of Muslim and Christian pupils could not be targeted by Muslim extremists. She was wrong.
The school has a high-profile location. It is across the road from the main railway station and adjacent to a busy bus terminal that in recent weeks attracted a large number of Islamists headed to Cairo to join the larger of two sit-in camps by Morsi's supporters. The area of the school is also in one of Bani Suef's main bastions of Islamists from Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood and ultraconservative Salafis.
"We are nuns. We rely on God and the angels to protect us," she said. "At the end, they paraded us like prisoners of war and hurled abuse at us as they led us from one alley to another without telling us where they were taking us," she said. A Muslim woman who once taught at the school spotted Manal and the two other nuns as they walked past her home, attracting a crowd of curious onlookers.
"I remembered her, her name is Saadiyah. She offered to take us in and said she can protect us since her son-in-law was a policeman. We accepted her offer," she said. Two Christian women employed by the school, siblings Wardah and Bedour, had to fight their way out of the mob, while groped, hit and insulted by the extremists. "I looked at that and it was very nasty," said Manal.
The incident at the Franciscan school was repeated at Minya where a Catholic school was razed to the ground by an arson attack and a Christian orphanage was also torched.
"I am terrified and unable to focus," said Boulos Fahmy, the pastor of a Catholic church a short distance away from Manal's school. "I am expecting an attack on my church any time now," he said Saturday.
Bishoy Alfons Naguib, a 33-year-old businessman from Minya, has a similarly harrowing story.
His home supplies store on a main commercial street in the provincial capital, also called Minya, was torched this week and the flames consumed everything inside.
"A neighbor called me and said the store was on fire. When I arrived, three extremists with knifes approached me menacingly when they realized I was the owner," recounted Naguib. His father and brother pleaded with the men to spare him. Luckily, he said, someone shouted that a Christian boy was filming the proceedings using his cell phone, so the crowd rushed toward the boy shouting "Nusrani, Nusrani," the Quranic word for Christians which has become a derogatory way of referring to them in today's Egypt.
Naguib ran up a nearby building where he has an apartment and locked himself in. After waiting there for a while, he left the apartment, ran up to the roof and jumped to the next door building, then exited at a safe distance from the crowd.
"On our Mustafa Fahmy street, the Islamists had earlier painted a red X on Muslim stores and a black X on Christian stores," he said. "You can be sure that the ones with a red X are intact."
In Fayoum, an oasis province southwest of Cairo, Islamists looted and torched five churches, according to Bishop Ibram, the local head of the Coptic Orthodox church, by far the largest of Egypt's Christian denominations. He said he had instructed Christians and clerics alike not to try to resist the mobs of Islamists, fearing any loss of life.
"The looters were so diligent that they came back to one of the five churches they had ransacked to see if they can get more," he told the AP. "They were loading our chairs and benches on trucks and when they had no space for more, they destroyed them."

8/14/2013

#Muslim_Brotherhood militias burned #Coptic churches in #Egypt #Update

Violence by Morsi supporters leaves dozens of Christian churches, Coptic-owned businesses and properties burnt; fears grow among Egypt's Christian minority of widespread sectarian strife
 Churches across Egypt came under frenzied attack Thursday as the country became convulsed in violent turmoil after security forces forcibly broke up two major Cairo protest camps held by supporters of deposed Islamist president Mohamed Morsi.
Incensed by the bloody crackdown that has claimed more than 500 lives, Morsi loyalists orchestrated nationwide assaults on Christian targets, wreaking havoc on churches, homes, and Christian-owned businesses throughout the country.
Coptic rights group the Maspero Youth Union (MYU) estimated that as many as 36 churches were "completely" devastated by fire across nine Egyptian governorates, including Minya, Sohag and Assiut — home to large Coptic communities.
The group, alongside media reports, said that many other churches were looted or stormed in ensuing street violence Wednesday.
Egypt's interior ministry told reporters in Cairo Wednesday that at least seven churches had been vandalised or torched by suspected Islamists.
MYU spokesman Antwan Adel said at least two were confirmed dead — in the cities of Minya and Alexandria — during the anti-Coptic attacks. No independent confirmation of this tally has appeared.
Adel deplored what he termed "criminal acts and terrorist perception" of the Muslim Brotherhood, the group from which deposed president Morsi hailed. "They seek to drive a wedge between Christians and Muslims," Adel told Ahram Online.
"It's Christians in Egypt who pay the price to overthrow tyranny," Adel said, citing sectarian incidents under long-time strongman Hosni Mubarak through until now.
The sectarian conflagration has set off fears of deeper polarisation and insecurity amongst Christians in a predominantly Sunni Muslim state. Coptic Christians — Egypt's largest minority — make up some 10 percent of the national population of 84 million.
The Upper Egypt governorate of Minya was scene of the lion's share of ًWednesday's attacks. The MYU put the number of churches assaulted in the city alone at 11, with some "completely burnt."
Gebrial Dafshan of Minya's Christians Youth Centre (Al-Wady), which was stormed and engulfed by flames, blamed lax security on the part of the government at Coptic facilities.
"There was no security presence. Even when we called the Fire Department for help they said they were themselves being attacked," Dafsahn said.
Morsi's Islamist backers set dozens of police stations ablaze across Egypt and attempted to storm provincal governor offices following Wednesday bloody crackdown. A group of Morsi supporters also set fire to the finance ministry building in Cairo's Nasr City district, a few miles away from a main Cairo protest camp they manned for six weeks.
Some Coptic Christians appear understanding of what they deem was "the inevitable" violence that would result from dealing with Islamist "terrorists." Yet critics say there should have been pre-emptive measures taken by both the army and police for what appeared to be a likely scenario of widespread chaos.
Forty-one people were killed in Minya Wednesday in violence sparked by security forces storming pro-Morsi camps in Cairo, health ministry officials said.
On Thursday, Egyptian authorities referred 84 people from the canal city of Suez — including members and supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood movement — to military prosecutors on charges of murder and burning churches, state news agency MENA reported.
Egypt's interim premier, Hazem El-Beblawi, condemned the "criminal acts" against Copts in a telephone conversation with Coptic Pope Tawadros II, who threw his weight behind the army's ouster of Morsi early in July. El-Beblawi vowed to deal strictly with "terrorism," asserting that "unity between Muslims and Christians is a red line."
Egypt's army chief General Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi pledged the military would cover the costs of restoration for all damaged churches.
Egypt's health ministry said Thursday that some 525 people were killed and more than 3717 injured across Egypt Wednesday, leaving the most populous Arab nation in ferment.
The unrest led the interim government to declare a month-long state of emergency, with a daily curfew between 7:00pm and 6:00am in Cairo and 13 other governorates.
Vice President Mohamed ElBaradei, a Nobel Prize laureate who gave his blessing to the ousting of Egypt's first freely elected president, resigned in protest at the use of force instead of pursuing a political resolution to the six-week stand-off between the army-installed government and the Muslim Brotherhood.

UPDATE 

list of Coptic churches his been burned By Muslim Brotherhood terrorists

 1. Church of Our Lady and Saint conclusion of the Coptic Orthodox village Dljh Center Deir Mawas, Minya Governorate burning church and demolished.
 2. Church of St. Mina Coptic Orthodox + Abu Hilal, a neighborhood clinic tribal province of Minya burning church.
 3. Center Baptist Church Beni Mazar, Minya Governorate burning church. 
4. Prince Taodharos Church Street Husseini, Medan Sednawy, Minya fire. 
5. Third Evangelical Church Minya fire completely. 
6. Evangelical church Ezbet Gad Mr., Minya fire completely. 
7. St. George's Church Copts الارثوزكس the land of the archbishopric, Sohag Governorate burning church. 
8. Church Marmriqs and built services electricity Street, Sohag burning.9. Church of the Virgin and the conclusion of Sohag burning news. 
10. Prince Taodharos Church Echatbi Fayoum burning. 
11. Church of Our Lady of Copts الارثوزكس the village Nazlah, Yusuf Center, province of Fayoum burning. 
12. Church St. Demiana village Alzerba, Fayoum burning. 
13. The Sisters of the Good Shepherd + school + church Army Street, province of Suez burning. 
14. Parents Alfrencescan the Church Street 23 Suez burning. 
15. Greek Church Paradise Street, Suez fire completely. 
16. Evangelical Church Army Street, Suez fire. 
17. George Church Street said and Namees province of Assiut fire. 
18. Apostolic Church Street I said and Namees, province of Assiut fire. 
19. Reformed Church Assiut fire completely. 
20. Church of Our Lady row, Asfih, Helwan fire. 
21. George Church Meadow, Qalyubiyah fire. 
22. Urban Mina Church, Giza burning. 
23. Virgin Church Street ten, Boulaq Dakrour, Giza burning. 
24. George Church Arish burning. 
25. Mariouhna Church Street, longing, Minya Governorate burning. 
26. Church of Our Lady Kafr Hakim, Kerdasa, the Giza burning. 
27. St. Mina Church in Beni Mazar-Minya burning. 
28. St. Mary Church Street Center Beni Mazar-Minya burning. 


Statement of churches that have been infringed Muslim Brotherhood terrorists

1. Saint Marmriqs the Coptic Catholic Minya throwing stones + infringement on doors and try to intrusions. 
2. Jesuit Church of the Fathers Menia attempt to storm the throwing of stones and bricks.
 3. Church of Our Lady Street butchers Minya landing Cross and an attempt to storm and arson. 
4. Church of Our Lady 10 Basin province of Qena siege and trying to break into.
 5. Diocese Atfih Helwan Governorate embark on the demolition of the church. 
6. St. Joseph School Minya try to burn it and infringed upon. 
7. School Jesuit Fathers Minya try to burn. 
8. St. George Bacchus Church, Alexandria firing gunshots martyr / Rami Zechariah. 
9. St. Maximus Church Street 45 Alexandria harassment. 
10. Diocese of Malawi Malawi, Minia Governorate firing gunshots Molotov + stones.  
11. Coptic Orthodox Diocese of Deir Mawas Minya firing gunshots Molotov + stones. 
12. Diocese of Saint John the Baptist Qusiya, Assiut stones. 
13. Church of the Virgin Kafr Abdou, 6 October firing gunshots Molotov + stones. 
14. Der vine Atfih, Helwan firing gunshots Molotov + stones. 
15. George Church centrist centrist, Beni Suef firing gunshots + stones. 
1. The Bible Society of Friends of burning. 
2. Youth Center to Fayoum Church facility kindness of God, Fayoum Governorate burning. 
3. Club young Christians Wi-Minya burning. 
4. Franciscan School Suez fire completely. 
5. Copts School Street Husseini, Minya fire.
 6. School Franciscan nuns Beni Suef fire.
 7. Good Shepherd School Minya burning.
 8. Association Jesuit and Frere Minya burning. 
9. Building Emile Wear 10 Basin, Qena fire. 
10. Shops scattered areas Copts in Minya and Abu Qurqas and contorted, and different centers looting and destruction and burning of the number 15 Mahal. 
11. Arksm Shops Luxor fully Fire King / Daniel Joseph and his brothers. 
12. Goods St. Claus Luxor's entire fire king / Akram. 
13. Horus Hotel fire in front of the Temple of Luxor destination + Doreen King / Medhat Maurice Salameh. 
14. Susanna Luxor Hotel Fire fully King Dr. / Murad Subhi. 
15. A Father Angelios home king pastor of the Church of the Virgin and Bishop Abram Bdljh Dljh center of Deir Mawas Minya Governorate house was completely burned. 
16. Gold ship of the Evangelical Authority Minya burning. 
17. Mgae soldiers of Christ for Boys Minya burning.