Dar al-Hajar ِAnd Jambiya In Yemen

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Sana'a, Yemen

Buying a SIM card for your phone in Yemen entails giving a copy of the picture page and visa stamp of your passport to the store-owner which he presumably passes along to the appropriate authorities, and filling out an application form which must be stamped with your left thumbprint.  A phone call is then made to some mysterious entity and only then do you get your cellphone number. One assumes in these disturbing times, that the Yemeni government wants to keep tabs on who’s who. (It is interesting to note which countries keep close tabs on such things. In Algeria, Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon and Syria you pay cash and trundle off with the new SIM and phone number, nary a piece of paperwork in sight. In Tunisia, Libya and Yemen your passport is required and recorded. I cannot quite find the common thread there.....)  The good news is that the SIM card and a charge card costs the grand total of $12.  Email is also very cheap here at 50 cents an hour (100 Yemeni Riyals) for relatively fast connection, with internet cafes everywhere in the major cities.
Sanashills
A view of Old Sana'a from the rooftop of one of the city's many samsarahs.
Sana’a has a long history. It is said to have been founded by Shem, son of Noah. Arabs are descended from Shem, hence the term Semitic......Arabs, like their Jewish brethren, are a Semitic people - a little known fact, especially in the US where the term ‘Semitic’  has come to be associated exclusively with Jews  - an absurd, but by now well-established, nonsense.
Yemenis or South Arabians, are often considered to be ‘pure’ Arabs, being descended from Qahtan, (associated with Joktan a descendant of Shem, in the book of Genesis), while ‘northern Arabians’ are descended from Ishmael, son of Abraham and Hagar. (Adnan, who was mentioned in an earlier post as father of north Arabians, is a descendant of Ishmael.) The term ‘Arab’ seems to have been recorded in written records for the first time in Assyrian texts dating back to 853BC. There may be frequent reference to lineage in the coming posts and this is because it is extremely important in Bedouin or 'pure' Arab culture. But as Ibn Battuta would say, "but we will talk of this later."
Like other areas of the Arabian peninsula, Christianity was well established in Yemen by the mid-4th century but the last Himyarite King, Dhu Nuwas, who ruled from 495-525AD converted to Judaism and began to persecute Christians, culminating in the massacre of the entire Christian population of Najran, now in SW Saudi Arabia. The Byzantines, both affronted and powerless, asked their fellow Christian Ethiopians to attack Yemen to protect the remnants of the Christians, which they did under the Axumite General, Abraha.  He destroyed the Himyarite regime and installed himself as ruler, but the Yemenis asked the Persians for help in ousting the Ethiopians, and by 575AD they were installed as governors.
SanaarooftopsAnother view of the unique and magnificent architecture of the old City of Sana'a
Judaism has lengthy roots in Yemen and although it is not known exactly when it was established, it is assumed that after the destruction of the Temple in 70AD, some Jews made their way south to Yemen. Until 1948, there was a strong Jewish community but today the numbers are reduced to only a few hundred, mainly in the north in Sa’ada. Christianity did not fare so well - one of the reasons it did not take root long enough to survive in depth the coming of Islam, was the Byzantine Church’s heavy handedness in dealing with what it considered its heretical elements, i.e. the monotheistic creed that was embraced by many of the Eastern churches.  When the Muslims marched out of Arabia into neighboring lands not requiring - indeed initially not even wanting - their subjects to convert, paradoxically many elected not only to live under Muslim rule which was more benign than that of Constantinople, but to convert. (The benefit of conversion was exemption from the tax that all non-Muslims paid.)
But back to present-day Sana’a. The open-air medieval souk is the heart of old Sana’a. Now called Souk al-Milh, or Salt Souk, this name used to refer only to the segment of the souk designated for that trade - in years gone by 40 trades were conducted in the souk.Metalworkers
Creating some small metal part the old-fashioned way - no protective clothing in sight...
Nowadays you can still find metalworkers, jambiya makers, carpenters and potters at work in their tiny shops while in the retail section of the souk are spices, dates, tobacco, coffee, tea, perfumes, incense, silver, jambiyyas and embroidered belts, basketry, jewelry, textiles, and household items. In former times goods arrived on camelback to a samsarah or khan where they were bought from local merchants - some of those samsarahs have been converted into art galleries although a few are still used for storage. 



Jambiya - the curved dagger no self-respecting Yemeni would step outside his home without.
Jambiya

As for the tower houses of old Sana’a, the most iconic in the country is in Wadi Dahr, Beit al-Hajjar. Located on a limestone outcrop north of the capital it was originally built in the 18th century but was renovated in the 1930s as a summer residence for Imam Yahya. It is still used by the government for official functions. 






Wadi_dahr001
It has all the components of a traditional tower house; several storeys of gypsum-traced windows, extravagant colored glass qamariyya windows, and shubaq, the protruding encased window ledge used for keeping meat and dairy products cool in the days before refrigeration. 
The most famous house in Yemen - Beit al-Hajjar in Wadi Dahr, near the capital.





I had been hospitably entertained in a tower house in the old City currently being rented by a friend - all five storeys of it.  Now I was about to go off into the wilds of Yemen with Abdullah Khawlani, driver and trusted friend. It promised to be memorable... Abdullah does not speak much English, although he understands far more than he lets on,  and my Arabic is execrable especially when I have to translate pages of text relating to the 14th century, text that dwells on matters most sensible people have long ago left off thinking about. Back on the trail of Ibn Battuta who landed in northern Yemen by boat, I am doing no such thing -  I am traveling in a Land Cruiser from Sana’a. But first I had to visit the pharmacy - it is the rainy season, albeit the short one, and as I am going to be spending some time on the coast where the climate is noxious at the best of times and mosquitoes abound, a dose of malaria would be tiresome even if Sana’a does have some perfectly good hospitals now. In Yemen as in many Middle Eastern countries, you can buy most drugs over the counter for a fraction of the cost you pay at home, so here's to $2 Larium and hypnotic dreams......
BabyemenYemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh looks down protectively over his flock at Bab Yemen, principal gate of the Old City.

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In age of #ISIS, will you lose web freedoms of #ArabSpring #Egypt #25jan

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The 5 Year`s Anniversary of Egypt’s Revolution 


"If you want to liberate a society, just give them the Internet,"


Fast forward five years to today: Many Egyptian revolutionaries are in jail, and in many ways, our romance with social media and revolution has soured. The Internet remains a powerful tool for people fighting for social justice and human rights around the world, but we've witnessed the extent to which it also can be powerful in the hands of dictators and terrorists.
With headlines swirling about the Islamic State's use of social media to recruit people from across the globe -- sometimes mobilizing them to kill on ISIS' behalf -- we're left with a challenge: How do we in the democratic world prevent terrorists from capitalizing on the Internet without compromising our own freedom?
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The victims will include many law-abiding peaceful people who have every right to express themselves but whose activities happen to be unpopular, misunderstood or offensive to powerful institutions.
This will be excellent news for regimes in Egypt, Turkey and elsewhere that already use broadly worded anti-terror laws to jail journalists and activists. Social media's power as a tool for journalists hoping to expose injustice and for activists trying to build movements will corrode.
The Arab Spring may have failed in most countries. But if the rights of social media users are not protected and respected, the next movement could be deleted before the world ever learns about it.






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Firework displays in cities around the world

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Firework displays in cities around the world 

2016 LOADING








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Inside ISIS Terror Training Camp In Sinai

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EXCLUSIVE PHOTOS


    Inside ISIS Terror Training Camp In Sinai



exclusive images of what jihadists say was an ISIS training camp in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.

The camp was in the same general area where a Russian passenger plane crashed last month. Russia announced the aircraft was brought down by a “terror act” and ISISpublished what it claims is a picture of the bomb that downed the plane.


ISIS terrorist training camp in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula.
ISIS terrorist training camp in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
The images were distributed in recent weeks on a closed online forum for Gaza and Sinai-based jihadists and were provided to Breitbart Jerusalem by a Gaza militant who is a member of the forum.  The pictures could not be independently authenticated.
The pictures show a sign in Arabic that reads “martyrs camp.”
One image –  seen here on the right – contains a sign bearing the name Sheikh Imam Abu Noor al-Maqdisi, also known as Sheikh Abdul Latif Musa. Maqdisi was the leader of a Salafist group in Gaza who proclaimed the formation of the “Islamic Emirate of Gaza” on August 14, 2009. One day later he was killed by Hamas forces.
According to the Gazan militant who provided the photos, the camp was a 10-month training center that closed up shop last July, when the Egyptian Air Force bombed jihadist positions in the Sinai during a massive military campaign.


ISIS training camp in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula.
ISIS terrorist training camp in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
One of the most significant elements of the camp is the Gaza-centric imagery.
According to the Gazan jihadist who provided the photos, scores of Gazan militants received training in the ISIS base camp, which he says was run by the Sinai-based ISIS-affiliate Al-Wilayat group.
Support for ISIS has reportedly been on the rise in Gaza. In May, Hamas engaged in deadly clashes with ISIS supporters who challenged Hamas rule.
In July, the Information Bureau of the Aleppo Province, affiliated with ISIS, released a video entitled “A message to our folks in Jerusalem,” in which ISIS members originally from Gaza declared war on Israel and Hamas.
In the video, ISIS member Abu Azzam Al-Ghazzawim, who is originally from Gaza, delivered a strong-worded warning to what he called the “tyrants of Hamas”:
ISIS training camp in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula.
ISIS training camp in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
“You are nothing in our reckoning. You, Fatah, and all the secularists, we count you as nothing. Allah willing, we shall uproot the state of the Jews. You are nothing but froth that will be gone as we move in. Allah willing, Gaza will be governed by Shariah despite you.”
Abu Qatadah Al-Filistini, an ISIS member who leads a faction in Aleppo, Syria, made an appearance in the video and called on all “monotheists in Gaza to join the convoy of the Muhajidin and to join the State of the Caliphate.”



Abu Qatadah accused Hamas of “sliding gradually into apostasy, a slide that started with the demolition of the Ibn Taymiyah Mosque.”


“It is a movement that does not seek to govern according to Shariah but seeks to appease Iran and America, the heads of apostasy.”

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The Emirati plan for ruling Egypt بن زايد للسيسي أنا مش مكنة فلوس

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The UAE has expressed frustration towards Egypt aftering giving nearly $25bn in aid (AFP) 


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A top-secret strategy document prepared for Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan reveals that the United Arab Emirates is losing faith in the ability of Egypt's President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to serve the Gulf state’s interests.
The document, prepared by one of Bin Zayed’s team and dated 12 October, contains two key quotes which describe the frustration bin Zayed feels about Sisi, whose military coup the Crown Prince bankrolled, pouring in billions of dollars along with Saudi Arabia. It says: “This guy needs to know that I am not an ATM machine.” Further on, it also reveals the political price the Emiratis will exact if they continue to fund Egypt.
Future strategy should be based on not just attempting to influence the government in Egypt but to control it. It is summarised thus: “Now I will give but under my conditions. If I give, I rule.”
Egypt, which has recently tried to stem a run on the Egyptian pound, is heavily dependent on cash from the Emirates, which has become the largest foreign direct investor. At an economic conference in Sharm el-Sheikh in March, the prime minister of the UAE and ruler of Dubai, Sheik Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, revealed the UAE had already given Egypt $13.9bn and he pledged $3.9bn more. The real amount of aid Sisi got from the Emiratis is thought by analysts to be closer to $25bn, around half of the total Gulf aid to Egypt.
Only $16.4bn remain, and of those only $2.5bn are in gold, according to a former Egyptian official who spoke to MEE on the condition of anonymity. The rest is in the form of loans. This is insufficient for covering the import of basic commodities for two months.  
The document, seen exclusively by MEE, questions whether bin Zayed is getting a proper return on his investment. It also reveals unhappiness with the Egyptian officials the Emiratis thought they had recruited, because it became clear to them afterwards that they were not as loyal to the Emirates as they were to Egypt.
The strategy paper says that in future the Emiratis should select their partners in Egypt with more care. In a reference to the current campaign in the Egyptian media against the new Saudi ruler, King Salman, and his son Mohammed - which has seen the kingdom attacked for its role in Syria and allegedly over-bearing control of Egypt - the document says they will have to stop the war of words because it hurts Emirati interests. 

Three phases 

The strategy document outlines three phases of investing in Egypt which will start early next year. In the third phase, the Emirates will seek to move from financier to "full partner".
The Emirates should recruit and finance Egyptian think tanks, universities and media outlets, the document says. It goes on to state that these direct investments should have a clear strategy and vision and that every down-payment should be tested for the benefits it will bring Abu Dhabi.
The paper spells out in blunt terms Emirati ambitions to control Egypt. This aim is inherent in a section recommending three conditions for continuing the bailout of Sisi's government.
Those conditions are: removing the petrol subsidy over the next three years by respectively cutting it by 30 percent, 30 percent and then 40 percent annually; demanding that the Emirates should set the strategy for the price of the Egyptian pound in comparison with the US dollar, which would be tantamount to controlling Egypt’s monetary policy; and cutting bureaucracy. Each of these are domestic policies.
The document further reveals the extent to which Sisi has let down his paymasters. One analyst who has been studying the deteriorating relationship between the two countries said: “The criticism indicates that they are not happy with Sisi and that he is not serving their purpose. The main idea the Emiratis have is that MBZ [bin Zayed] should be the real ruler of Egypt and whoever is in charge must do what he is asked to do by them.”

Cause for concern 

There are three reasons for Emirati concern.
First, the Emiratis think the media war that has broken out between Egypt and the Saudi kingdom is hurting Abu Dhabi’s interests. Last month the Egyptian newspaper al-Youm al-Sabea reported a row between the chairman of the state owned al-Ahram media group Ahmed el-Sayed al-Naggar and the Saudi Ambassador to Egypt Ahmad Qattan, which ended with al-Ahram claiming that “even a building in central Cairo” is older than the kingdom. A pro-government TV anchor, Ibrahim Eissa, accused Saudi Arabia of funding terrorist groups in Syria, called on Sisi to stop being "a captive to Riyadh," and urged Egypt to be liberated from the relationship of gratitude to Saudi Arabia. 
Second, the Emiratis are unhappy about Sisi’s broken promises to send ground troops for the Saudi-led campaign against the Houthis in Yemen, a war in which the UAE was forced to commit troops. Sisi used the expression in Egyptian Arabic “masafah as-sikkah,” meaning it would take him the time it needs to cross a road to come to the aid of the Gulf states if they needed military aid. So far, no Egyptian troops have materialised on the ground in Yemen.
Third, they complain that Sisi is not listening to them when they ask for economic and administrative reform or when they demand that good governance be used as the basis of a stable state.


“From Abu Dhabi’s point of view, Sisi has not performed. He does not have a strategy for economic reform. Services are very bad. So from the Emirati perspective Sisi is not doing what he is told to do," the analyst, who spoke to MEE on condition of anonymity, said. "In the coming phase, starting early next year, the Emirates are planning this extensive campaign. They are not deserting him [Sisi] and he is still their man, but nor are they happy with him. They want total submission, so that they are the real rulers."

Relations with Riyadh 

Sisi’s relations with Riyadh also worsened after he discovered that a rival Egyptian army general has been in the kingdom for the past two weeks holding private talks.
Sources close to the kingdom reveal that Egyptian military intelligence asked the Saudis why Sami Anan, a former chief of staff, was there. They were told Anan was there on a private visit and in an individual capacity and there was nothing the government in Riyadh could do to stop it.
Anan was second only to Mohammed Hussein Tantawi when Mubarak was ousted in 2011. He was sacked by Mohamed Morsi when the latter became president in 2012. However, when Morsi was in turn ousted by a military coup a year later, Anan announced his ambition to be a presidential candidate. He is 70 and is regarded as close to Washington; he was in the US at the time of the 25 January revolution.
According to the informed Saudi sources, Anan is one of three names being considered to replace Sisi. The others are Ahmed Shafiq, a former general who is at present in exile in Abu Dhabi, and Murad Muwafi, a former head of the General Intelligence Directorate, who like Anan was sacked by Morsi. Both Shafiq and Muwafi are regarded as close to the Emirates.
In his conversations with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, King Salman has made no secret of his wish to keep the military in charge of Egypt. Saudi Arabia regards the Egyptian military as the only guarantor of the country’s stability, and it is stability rather than democracy that concerns Riyadh.
However, that calculation has changed in the past three months to the extent that Salman no longer regards Sisi as a stable leader of Egypt. They think Sisi’s term as leader has expired, so they are examining who within the military could take over, as well as reaching out to all sections of the Egyptian political opposition, most of whom are in exile.
Anan, regarded as a calm but wily leader who is naturally risk averse, is a leading candidate for Saudi favour. He has a strong claim to represent the Egyptian military, although those very credentials render him suspect to Egyptian opposition forces, who recall his time in the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which ruled Egypt from Mubarak's overthrow to Morsi's election and oversaw the country while the blood of protesters was being spilled in Cairo's Tahrir Square. 
“If they are looking for a military figure, Anan is the best option. But someone accepted by the military is not going to be accepted by the majority. That is where Anan’s problem would be,” said one member of the Egyptian political opposition.


- See more at: http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/exclusive-emirati-plan-ruling-egypt-2084590756#sthash.WqHcIbIC.dpuf


 محمد بن زايد  للسيسي  أنا مش مكنة فلوس

تحت عنوان "الخطة الإماراتية لحكم مصر" قال الكاتب البريطاني ديفيد هيرست  إن وثيقة إستراتيجية كشفت أن محمد بن زايد ولي عهد أبو ظبي أصبح يشعر بالإحباط من أداء الرئيس عبد الفتاح السيسي.

وإلى نص التقرير
كشفت وثيقة إستراتيجية إماراتية تم إعدادها لصالح الشيخ محمد بن زايد آل نهيان أن الإمارات تفقد الثقة في قدرة السيسي على خدمة مصالح الدولة الخليجية.

الوثيقة المذكورة، التي أعدها أحد عناصر الفريق الخاص ببن زايد، ومؤرخة بيوم 12 أكتوبر، تحتوي على اقتباسين رئيسيين يصفان الإحباط الذي يشعر به بن زايد تجاه السيسي، الذي مول ولي عهد أبو ظبي انقلابه العسكري، وضخ، بجانب المملكة السعودية، مليارات الدولارات.

وقالت الوثيقة نقلا عن بن زايد: “يحتاج هذا الرجل إلى معرفة أنني لست ماكينة صراف آلي".

وعلاوة على ذلك، فإنها تكشف الثمن السياسي الذي سيتكبده الإماراتيون إذا استمروا في تمويل مصر.

الإستراتيجية المستقبلية لا ينبغي أن تعتمد فحسب على محاولة التأثير على حكومة مصرية، ولكن السيطرة عليها.

ولخصت الوثيقة ذلك قائلة: “الآن سوف أعطي ولكن وفقا لشروطي، إذا أعطيت، فلابد أن أحكم".

مصر، التي حاولت مؤخرا وقف تدهور الجنيه المصري، تعتمد بشكل كبير على الأموال القادمة من الإمارات، التي أضحت أكبر مستثمر أجنبي مباشر.

وفي المؤتمر الاقتصادي بشرم الشيخ، والذي عقد في مارس الماضي، كشف رئيس وزراء الإمارات وحاكم دبي الشيخ محمد بن راشد المكتوم أن الإمارات منحت مصر 13.9 مليارات دولار، متعهدا بضخ 3.9 مليارات دولار إضافية.

ويعتقد الكثير من المحليين أن القيمة الحقيقة للمساعدات التي تلقاها السيسي من الإمارات تقترب من 25 مليار دولار، ما يناهز نصف إجمالي المساعدات الخليجية لمصر.

لم يبق الآن إلا 16.4 مليار دولار، بينها 2.5 مليار دولار في صورة ذهب، وفقا لمسؤول مصري سابق طلب عدم ذكر اسمه.

باقي المبلغ على هيئة قروض، وهو ليس كافيا لتغطية تكلفة استيراد السلع الأساسية لشهرين.

الوثيقة، التي اطلعت عليها ميدل إيست آي، حصريا، تطرح تساؤلات إذا ما كان بن زايد يحصل على المقابل الملائم لاستثماراته في مصر.

كما كشفت الوثيقة عدم السعادة من مسؤولين إماراتيين اعتقدت الإمارات أنها جندتهم، إذ بات واضحا بالنسبة أن درجة ولائهم بالنسبة لمصر تتجاوز الإمارات.

الورقة الاستراتيجية ذكرت أنه يتعين على الإمارات مستقبلا اختيار شركائها في مصر باهتمام متزايد.

وفي إشارة إلى الحملة الحالية في الإعلام المصري ضد الملك سلمان، ونجله محمد، والتي شهدت مهاجمة المملكة لدورها في سوريا، وسيطرتها الطاغية على مصر، قالت الوثيقة: إنهم يتعين عليهم إيقاف حرب الكلمات لأنها تضر المصالح الإماراتية.

ثلاثة أطوار
وحددت الوثيقة ثلاثة مراحل للاستثمار في مصر تبدأ العام المقبل.

وفي المرحلة الثالثة، سوف يسعى الإماراتيون للتحرك من مرحلة الممول إلى "شريك كامل".

يتعين على الإماراتيين تجنيد وتمويل مراكز أبحاث ومنصات إعلامية. بحسب الوثيقة.

ومضت تقول: “هذه الاستثمارات المباشرة ينبغي أن تكون ذات استراتيجية ورؤية واضحتين، وضرورة قياس كل فائدة تصب في صالح أبو ظبي مقابل كل مبلغ مدفوع لمصر.

وأفصحت الوثيقة، بمصطلحات صريحة، عن الطموحات الإماراتية للتحكم في مصر.

الهدف المذكور يتضمنه الجزء الذي يوصي بثلاثة شروط لاستمرار الإنقاذ المالي لحكومة السيسي.

الشرط الأول هو إزالة دعم البنزين خلال السنوات الثلاث المقبلة، من خلال تخفيضات سنوية 30 %، و30 %، و40 % على التوالي.

الشرط الثاني هو المطالبة بوضع الإمارات استراتيجية لسعر الجنيه المصري مقارنة بالدولار الأمريكي، وهو ما يعادل التحكم في السياسة النقدية لمصر.

أما الشرط الثالث فيتمثل في الحد من البيروقراطية.

كل من الشروط الثلاثة يفترض أنها سياسات داخلية.

وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، كشفت الوثيقة إلى أي مدى خذل السيسي مموليه.

وقال محلل يدرس العلاقات المتدهورة بين البلدين: “الانتقادات تشير إلى أنهم ليسوا سعداء بالسيسي الذي لا يخدم أهدافهم. الفكرة الرئيسية لدى الإماراتيين مفادها أن بن زايد يجب أن يكون حاكما حقيقيا لمصر، ويتعين على من يتولى المسؤولية في مصر، مهما كانت هويته، أن ينفذ ما تطلبه أبو ظبي".

سبب القلق

ثمة ثلاثة أسباب تدعو الإمارات للقلق:

الأول: يعتقد الإماراتيون أن الحرب الإعلامية التي اندلعت بين مصر والسعودية تضر بمصالح أبو ظبي.

الشهر الماضي، نشرت صحيفة اليوم السابع تقريرا حول مشادة بين رئيس مجلس إدارة صحيفة الأهرام المملوكة للحكومة أحمد السيد النجار، والسفير السعودي لدى مصر أحمد القطان، والتي انتهت بادعاءات النجار أن مباني وسط البلد أقدم من المملكة السعودية.

إبراهيم عيسى، المذيع الموالي للحكومة، اتهم السعودية بتمويل جماعات إرهابية في سوريا، مطالبا السيسي بالتوقف عن أن يكون "أسيرا للرياض"، وحث مصر على التحرر من علاقة الامتنان للسعودية.

السبب الثاني يتمثل في استياء الإماراتيين من كسر السيسي وعودا بإرسال قوات أرضية للحملة السعودية ضد الحوثيين في اليمن، وهي الحرب التي التزمت فيها الإمارات مضطرة إلى إرسال قوات.

وكان السيسي قد استخدم التعبير المصري" مسافة السكة"، والذي يعني أنه لن يستغرق وقتا لمساعدة الدول الخليجية إذا احتاجوا عونا عسكريا.

لكن حتى الآن، لم تشارك قوات برية مصرية في معركة اليمن.

السبب الثالث مفاده أن الإمارات متذمرة من عدم إنصات السيسي لهم عندما يطلبون منه إجراء إصلاحات اقتصادية وإدارية، أو عندما يشيرون إلى أن الحكم الجيد هو أساس الدولة المستقرة.

وقال محلل، طلب عدم ذكر اسمه: “من وجهة نظر أبو ظبي، فإن السيسي لم ينجز. حيث لا يمتلك إستراتيجية للإصلاحات الاقتصادية والإدارية. فالخدمات شديدة السوء. لذلك فإنه من وجهة نظر الإمارات، لا ينفذ ما يُطلب منه".

وتابع: “في المرحلة المقبلة، التي تبدأ الشهر المقبل، يخطط الإماراتيون لتنفيذ حملة واسعة. إنهم لم يتخلوا عن السيسي، وما زال رجلهم، لكنهم ليسوا سعداء به، ويريدون خضوعه التام، وأن يكونوا حكاما حقيقيين".

العلاقة مع الرياض
علاقة السيسي بالرياض ساءت أيضا بعد أن اكتشف أن جنرالا مصريا غريما للسيسي كان في زيارة سرية للمملكة، وعقد محادثات خاصة.

وكشفت مصادر مقربة من المملكة أن المخابرات الحربية المصرية سألت السعودية عن أسباب زيارة سامي عنان، قائد الأركان السابق.

وأجابت السلطات السعودية أن عنان كان هناك في زيارة خاصة، وفردية ليست ذات علاقة بالحكومة، ولم تكن للرياض أن تمنعها.

عنان كان الرجل الثاني في الجيش بعد محمد حسين طنطاوي عندما عزل مبارك عام 2011.

واتخذ الرئيس الأسبق محمد مرسي قرارا بإقصائه من منصبه عام 2012.

وعندما عُزل مرسي بدوره عبر انقلاب عسكري عام 2013، أعلن عنان طموحه للترشح للرئاسة.

عنان يبلغ من العمر 70 عاما، ينظر إليه باعتباره مقربا من واشنطن، حيث كانت في الولايات المتحدة وقت ثورة 25 يناير.

ووفقا لمصادر سعودية مطلعة، فإن عنان أحد ثلاثة أسماء تتم دراستها لخلافة السيسي.

الاسمان الآخران هما أحمد شفيق، الجنرال السابق الذي يعيش حاليا في المنفى بأبو ظبي، ومراد موافي، مدير المخابرات العامة السابق، الذي أطاح به مرسي مثل عنان.

وينظر إلى كل من شفيق وموافي باعتبارهما مقربين للإمارات.

وفي محادثات مع الرئيس التركي رجب طيب أردوغان، لم يخف سلمان سرا بشأن رغبته في استمرار تقلد الجيش المسؤولية في مصر.

السعودية تنظر إلى الجيش المصري باعتباره الضامن الوحيد لاستقرار البلاد.

الاستقرار لا الديمقراطية هو ما يشغل الرياض.

ومع ذلك، فقد تغيرت الحسابات خلال الشهور الثلاثة الماضية، لدرجة أن سلمان لم يعد ينظر إلى السيسي كقائد مستقر لمصر.

إنهم يعتقدون أن فترة حكم السيسي كقائد للبلاد قد نفدت، لذا يدرسون من يستطيع أن يحل محله داخل الجيش، بالإضافة إلى التواصل مع كافة أقسام المعارضة السياسية المصرية، الذين يتواجد معظمهم في المنفى.

وينظر إلى عنان باعتباره قائدا هادئا لكنه ماكر يتجنب المخاطر، وهو مرشح مفضل يصب في الصالح السعودي.

عنان يمتلك ادعاء قويا بأنه يمثل الجيش المصري، لكن ذات مؤهلاته تحوله إلى مصدر شك بالنسبة لقوى المعارضة، الذين يتذكرون الفترة التي كان مسؤولا فيها داخل المجلس الأعلى للقوات المسلحة، الذي حكم مصر منذ عزل مبارك إلى انتخاب مرسي، وأشرف على الوطن بينما كانت تُسفك دماء المتظاهرين في ميدان التحرير.

وقال معارض سياسي مصري: “إذا كانوا يبحثون عن شخصية عسكرية، فإن عنان هو الاختيار المفضل. لكن شخصا ما مقبول من الجيش لن يكون مقبولا من الأغلبية، وهي المشكلة التي ستجابه سامي عنان"

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