Showing posts with label Egyptian Army. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Egyptian Army. Show all posts


Saudi Arabia paid Egypt $25bn for tiran and sanafir Red Sea islands

Saudi Arabia paid Egypt $25bn for  tiran and sanafir Red Sea islands 

An Israeli report claimed that Saudi Arabia has paid Egypt $25 billion to give up the Red Sea islands of Tiran and Sanafir.

The Jewish Policy Centre claimed that Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi has received the money in the form of aid over the past few years.
“Sisi ratified the treaty after Egypt’s legislative and constitutional committee held three closed meetings earlier this month. The secretiveness of the meetings drew criticism from other unnamed parliamentarians, arguing that the committee was colluding against the will of Egyptians. The whole parliament approved the agreement on June 14,” the report said.
The report accuses Al-Sisi of “selling” Egypt to Saudi Arabia, which supported Cairo with aid totalling over $25 billion in the recent years.
An Egyptian lawmaker who voted against the agreement said “the people did not elect us so that we give up their land,”
Meanwhile, former presidential candidate, Khalid Ali has filed a lawsuit before the Administrative Court to halt the implementation of the agreement.


Egypt: Video of extrajudicial executions offers glimpse of hidden abuses by military in North Sinai

video Appears to Show Egyptian Soldiers Killing 

Unarmed Men in Sinai

Warning - Item Video shows Egyptian soldiers executing prisoners in Sinai might contain content that is not suitable for all ages.

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 A video has emerged that appears to show members of the Egyptian military shooting unarmed detainees to death at point-blank range in the Sinai Peninsula and staging the killings to look as if they had happened in combat.
The leaked video, which was posted on social media on Thursday, could undercut claims made by the Egyptian Army in December that the men were suspected terrorists who died in a fight with the military.
The video was released the same day that Defense Secretary Jim Mattis met in Egypt with its president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, to discuss improving their countries’ military relationship. It also comes after human rights groups accused the Egyptian military of killing up to 10 men in January in a staged counterterrorism raid in Sinai.
The three-minute video, which was released through a channel associated with the 

Muslim Brotherhood, appears to depict part of a raid that the Egyptian Army highlighted in a Facebook post on Dec. 6, 2016. That post included photos of three bloody men in a grassy area with rifles next to them. The post said they had been killed in a military raid on a terrorist base and an explosives storehouse.
Eight people were killed and four others were arrested, the military said on Facebook in December, as Egyptian armed forces “continued to tighten their security grip” in the Sinai Peninsula, where the country has waged a yearslong battle.
But the video shows no firefight and starts with soldiers mingling next to an armored truck in a sandy field scattered with bodies next to shrubs and grassy patches. But it does show the killing of at least three people. In one case, a soldier casually holds a rifle over a man on the ground and shoots him in the head. In another, soldiers escort a blindfolded man into the field, place him on his knees and shoot him multiple times in the head and upper body.
The pro-state Egyptian news site Youm7 called the video a fabrication carried out by the Muslim Brotherhood, which is banned in the country, and said the people in the video did not have Egyptian accents. An Egyptian military spokesman did not respond to a request for comment late Thursday.

 one point in the video, a man off camera tells a soldier in Arabic to shoot the captured men in a variety of places. “Don’t just do the head, O.K.? Don’t just do the head,” the person said.
In addition to the three men seen killed, the video shows two men lying on the ground who were apparently in the Facebook post. The same men included in the Facebook post in December were apparently also shown in a military video shared on YouTube in November for an operation that claimed to have killed eight terrorists “during clashes.”
Sarah Leah Whitson, the executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa Division, which released a report about the January killings, said the group was investigating the latest video.
“We have not yet verified the video, and are working on it,” Ms. Whitson said in an email. “But it accords closely with our findings about other summary executions in Sinai and Cairo.”
Mokhtar Awad, a militancy expert at George Washington University, said the video was unlikely to be widely discussed on Egyptian news media because of emergency laws enacted by Mr. Sisi last week after suicide attacks by the Islamic State on two Christians churches on Palm Sunday.
“The worst thing I’ve seen before is of soldiers beating a guy,” Mr. Awad said. “We’ve never seen video from Sinai or elsewhere showing an Egyptian serviceman killing someone in cold blood.”
Together with the accusations of extrajudicial executions in Sinai in January, Mr. Awad said, it suggested “a growing level of impunity” in parts of the Egyptian military, particularly in Sinai where local emergency laws have been in place for years.
“It is a significant problem, and something that needs to be seriously addressed,” he said. “Otherwise things could head in a very problematic direction, of this somehow becoming a new normal.”


Al-Sisi builds 6 huge tunnels in Sinai – Nile water for Israel might be the reason

Al-Sisi builds 6 huge tunnels in Sinai – Nile water for Israel might be the reason

 Six Huge Tunnels near Sinai Borders

Middle East Observer (MEO) was able to get exclusive photos from the site of building 6 news tunnels in Sinai . The Egyptian government has announced that they are building 4 tunnels, 1 for railway and 3 for cars but haven’t announced anything related to the other 6 tunnels.

MEO knew that the construction companies belong to the army in addition to few private companies, including Orascom, which is owned by the Sawiris family, an economic tycoon close to the government.

Egyptian-Israeli relations under Al-Sisi Regime

 Israel ambassador in Cairo says “Egyptian-Israeli relations passing its best times”

Israel Ambassador in Egypt  Haim Koren’s stated that the Egyptian-Israeli relation is passing by its best times. The veteran diplomat posted in Egypt since 2014 said, “This is one of the best times we’ve ever had” in terms of cooperation between governments.
Koren continued,”There’s good cooperation between the armies, we have understandings about the Sinai Peninsula, and basically, we see (eye-to-eye) on the development of the region.”
Since al -Sisi reached power by a military coup in 2013, the Egyptian-Israeli relations have witnessed one of its flourishing time. Israel has become an important ally to Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi, along with Saudi Arabia and wealthy Gulf Arab countries.
Al-Sisi was supported by the Gulf States to overthrow Mohammed Morsi in 2013 as they were against having a successful precedent in Egypt. The Gulf countries were against the Arab Spring protests that would shake their status.

Al-Sisi isolates Hamas

Moreover, al-Sisi has also assisted Israel in isolating  Hamas Resistance Movement ruling the Gaza Strip. Israeli military officials praise Egypt’s crackdown on Hamas’ cross-border smuggling tunnels, which had been a main conduit for weapons into Gaza, and say the Egyptian military is doing an admirable job in a fierce battle against IS militants in Sinai.
Hamas had close ties with the former Egyptian leader and is rooted in Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood.
In the same context, Israel usually praises al-Sisi for his tough policies against Islamists, and considers him a key partner in the war against Islamic “extremists”.

ISIS-Affiliated Province of Sinai

Egypt and Israel military cooperation have flourished recently with the growing power of the ISIS-affliated group in Sinai Peninsula. Accordingly, Israel has allowed Egypt to move heavy weapons like tanks, artillery, and attack helicopters into the restive Sinai Peninsula. The two sides also are considered to have close intelligence ties.
Despite the two governments’ close ties, but the Egyptian-Israeli relation is still rejected by the Egyptian public opinion.

Al-Sisi-Netanyahu distinguished relations

In addition, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and al-Sisi often speak on the phone. Last May,al-Sisi said that Egypt’s relations with Israel could be warmer if it made peace with the Palestinians. In response, Netanyahu welcomed al-Sisi’s initiative and he praised what he described as al-Sisi’s “willingness” to help advance the peace process with the Palestinians.”
Koren said, “We have common enemies in the sense of terrorism, or if you like, radical Islamic terrorism, emerged from the same root no matter if it happens to be Hamas or the Muslim Brotherhood, ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra or al-Qaida,” Koren said. He added, “understood quickly that we are all in the same boat.”The outrageous reached its peak followed the 2011 January Revolution when outraged crowds surrounded the Israeli embassy in Cairo over the killing of five Egyptian policemen by Israeli forces chasing militants in the Sinai. Since the incident, Israel closed it embassy and didn’t reopen its embassy, until September 2015.

Full normalization with Israel rejected

In the same context, political figures across Egypt still reject full normalization of Egyptian-Israeli relations, with many professional associations and labor unions banning members from visiting Israel.
Last year, Egypt’s parliament voted to expel a MP after he had dinner at the Israeli with Koren and a newspaper published a photo of Koren with devil’s horns superimposed on his head.
Moreover, any attempt to reach the Egyptian public opinion is faced in return by rejection. Earlier this year a new Arabic-language Facebook page set up by the Israeli embassy was flooded with insults and anti-Semitic comments, with some likening Jews to pigs and others calling them killers over the long-running conflict with the Palestinians – a popular hot-button topic in Arab countries.
Koren said, “Our aspiration is to come closer to the Egyptian people,” through cultural policy and social media. “But we understand, it’s a long process, there’s a long way to go. That’s why the stability of Egypt is important, and also the success of its economy.”
In addition, Koren described the economic relation with Egypt to be very slow saying that despite the successful free trade areas for manufacturing known as QIZ zones, “it’s going very slow” with regard to developing Israeli expertise in sectors that could benefit the Egyptian economy, such as agriculture, irrigation, and solar power.


Conscription army in Egypt فيلم العساكر .. حكايات التجنيد الإجباري في مصر

 Conscription army in Egypt
فيلم العساكر .. حكايات التجنيد الإجباري في مصر


السيسى اللى هيقتل اى حد من المتظاهرين مش هيتحاكم

السيسى اللى هيقتل اى حد من المتظاهرين مش هيتحاكم

  المواطن المصرى مالهوش دية 


qr code


ما هي قدرات برنامج التجسس RCS الذي تستخدمه الحكومة المصرية؟

ما هي قدرات برنامج التجسس RCS الذي تستخدمه الحكومة المصرية؟

تحديث1: أُضيفت مجموعة من الصور من داخل برنامج Remote Control System، بأسفل التدوينة. تم اضافة إمكانيات أخرى لأنظمة التشغيل:جنو/لينكس، وميكروسوفت ويندوز، وiOS
تحديث2: أُضيف توضيح في الجزء الخاص بالتوزيعات جنو/لينكس، وتوضيح في  مقدمة المدونة.
تحديث 3: أُضيفت جداول لمقارنات بين سُبل إصابة الحواسيب والهواتف الذكية بالبرمجية الخبيثة وقدرات التعامل مع كل منها.
هذه التدوينة تسرد في نقاط سريعة الإمكانيات والقدرات التي يوفّرها برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCS التي تستخدمها الحكومات في المنطقة العربية(مصر، البحرين، السعودية، المغرب، عمان، السودان)  وعدد آخر  من دول العالم. يُرجى ملا حظة أن هذا النوع من الأنظمة يُعرف بالتجسس بالاستهداف targeted surveillance  لن يؤثر على خصوصيتك إلا إذا كنت فردا ترغب الدولة في تخصيص موارد إضافية من الوقت و الأموال للتجسس عليك
لمعلومات أكثر :تسريب وثائق أكبر شركة بيع أنظمة تجسس، مصر والمغرب والسعودية أهم العملاء
اعتمدت هذه التدوينة على الملفات التي تم تسريبها من قبل مجموعة من المخترقين على إثر اختراق شركة هاجينج تيم (Hacking Team)المُنتجة للبرنامج. يمكنك الإطلاع على نسخة من الوثائق من خلال الرابط:

قائمة أنظمة التشغيل التي يمكن لبرنامجRemote Control System – RCS التعامل معها، ومحتويات التدوينة:
ملخص قدرات البرنامج
كيف تُصاب الحواسيب بالبرمجية الخبيثة؟
برنامج RCS غير قادر على زرع البرمجية التجسسية في الحواسيب العاملة بتوزيعات جنو/لينكس وحواسيب ماك بصفة مستديمة بحيث تشتغل تلقائيا في كل مرة يشتغل فيها النظام، أي أنّ أثرها ينتهي بإطفاء النظام. إلاّ أنه يجب الإشارة إلى أن تشغيل برمجية التجسس لفترة محدودة قد يكون كافيا لإحداث الآثار السلبية كلها من سرقة بيانات و غيرها.

كيف تصاب الهواتف المحمولة بالبرمجية الخبيثة؟
برنامج RCS غير قادر على زرع البرمجية التجسسية في الهواتف العاملة بنظام ويندوز فون وآي أو إس وبلاكبيري ونظام S60 بصفة مستديمة بحيث تشتغل تلقائيا في كل مرة يشتغل فيها النظام، أي أنّ أثرها ينتهي بإطفاء النظام.إلاّ أنه يجب الإشارة إلى أن تشغيل برمجية التجسس لفترة محدودة قد يكون كافيا لإحداث الآثار السلبية كلها من سرقة بيانات و غيرها. في حين أن عميل التجسس المدمج في برنامج يعمل على نظام التشغيل أندرويد؛يُحذَف في حالة حذف البرنامج.
مقارنة بين قدرات برنامج RCS في التعامل مع أنظمة التشغيل ميكروسوفت ويندوز وجنو/لينكس وماك أو اس.
مقارنة بين قدرات برنامج RCS في التعامل مع أنظمة تشغيل الهواتف المحمولة: ويندوز فون وسيمبيان و iOS وأندرويد وبلاك بيري:
 نظام التشغيل ميكروسوفت ويندوز 
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الحواسيب العاملة بنظام التشغيل ميكروسوفت ويندوز على النحو التالي:
يستطيع البرنامج التعامل مع الحواسيب العاملة بنظام ميكروسوفت ويندوز الإصدارات التالية: 10 (تجريبي) – 8.1 – 8 – 7 – Vista – XP SP3التجسس باستخدام الكميرا التجسس على الملفات المُخزّنة على القرص الصلبالتجسس على خدمة التخزين السحابيةGoogleDriveالتجسس على رسائل البريد الإلكتروني والدردشة وجهات الاتصال في جيميل وياهو ( في المتصفحات كروم وإنترنت إكسبلورر وفايرفوكس)التجسس على تويتر ( في المتصفحات كروم وإنترنت إكسبلورر وفايرفوكس)التجسس على دردشة وجهات الاتصال والصور والموقع الجغرافي من فيسبوك (في المتصفحات كروم وإنترنت إكسبلورر وفايرفوكس)التجسس على كلمات المرور ( في المتصفحات كروم وإنترنت إكسبلورر وفايرفوكس)تحديد الموقع الجغرافيالتقاط صورة لشاشة الحاسوبالتجسس على الصورالبحث في الملفات الموجودة على الحاسوبالتجسس على الصور الموجودة بالحاسوبتاريخ تصفح الإنترنت على فيرفوكس ومتصفح تور
توزيعات لينكس
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الحواسيب العاملة بتوزيعات جنو/لينكس على النحو التالي:
ملاحظة هامة بخصوص تعامل البرنامج مع توزيعات جنو/لينكس:
برنامج RCS غير قادر على زرع البرمجية التجسسية في حواسيب مستخدمي لينكس بصفة مستديمة بحيث تشتغل تلقائيا في كل مرة يشتغل فيها النظام، أي أنّ أثرها ينتهي بإطفاء النظام. إلاّ أنه يجب الإشارة إلى أن تشغيل برمجية التجسس لفترة محدودة قد يكون كافيا لإحداث الآثار السلبية كلها من سرقة بيانات و غيرها، كما أن كون بقية معارف و زملاء مستخدمي لينكس يستخدمون نظما أقل أمانا يعني تعدد مصادر تسرب المعلومات، بالإضافة إلى أن طول متوسط مدة تشغيل نظام لينكس قبل إطفائه و إعادة تشغيله مقارنة بنظم مثل ميكروسوفت ويندوز قد يعني استمرار التجسس الفعّال لمدة طويلة.

يستطيع البرنامج التعامل مع الحواسيب العاملة بالتوزيعات التالية:Debian – 6.0 to 7.0Fedora – 17 to 20Mageia – 4.0 to 4.1Mint – 13 to 17Ubuntu – 12.04 ot 14.04التجسس على الدردشة النصية وجهات الاتصال في برمجية سكايب وقائمة بالمكالمات التي أُجريت عبره.التجسس باستخدام الكميرا (WebCam)التجسس على رسائل البريد الإلكتروني في برمجية Thunderbirdالتجسس باستخدام المايكالتجسس على وسرقة العملات الإلكترونية(Bitcoin, Litecoin, Feathercoin, Namecoin)التجسس على كلمات المرور في متصفح كروم وفايرفوكس وبرنامج ثيندربيردتحديد الموقع الجغرافيالتقاط صورة لشاشة الحاسوبالتجسس على ماتقوم بتصفحه على الإنترنت في متصفحات فايرفوكس وكروم وأوبرا و ويب
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الحواسيب العاملة بأنظمة التشغيلOS X على النحو التالي:
ملاحظة هامة بخصوص تعامل البرنامج مع نظام ماك:
برنامج RCS غير قادر على زرع البرمجية التجسسية في حواسيب ماك بصفة مستديمة بحيث تشتغل تلقائيا في كل مرة يشتغل فيها النظام، أي أنّ أثرها ينتهي بإطفاء النظام. إلاّ أنه يجب الإشارة إلى أن تشغيل برمجية التجسس لفترة محدودة قد يكون كافيا لإحداث الآثار السلبية كلها من سرقة بيانات و غيرها.

يستطيع البرنامج التعامل الحواسيب العاملة بأنظمة التشغيلOS X الإصدارات التالية:Yosemite (10.10)Mavericks (10.9)Mountain Lion (10.8)Lion (10.7)Snow Leopard (10.6)التجسس على جهات اتصال سكايب، وقائمة الاتصالات الصوتية والدردشة النصية الخاصة به.التجسس باستخدام الكميراالتجسس على كل ما يُكتب من خلال لوحة المفاتيحالتجسس على رسائل البريد الإلكتروني في برنامج ثيندربيردالتجسس باستخدام الميكروفونالتجسس على وسرقة العملات الإلكترونية(Bitcoin, Litecoin, Feathercoin, Namecoin)تحديد الموقع الجغرافيالتقاط صورة لشاشة الحاسوبتاريخ تصفح مواقع الإنترنت على متصفح سفاري، ومتصفح فايرفوكس 4(معمارية 64bit)
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الهاتف العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد على النحو التالي:
يستطيع البرنامج التعامل الهواتف العاملة بأنظمة التشغيل أندرويد الإصدارات التالية:يمكن للبرنامج الحصول على صلاحية الجذر Root في الهواتف التالية: Alcatel 4030D One Touchالعاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.1.1CAT Compal B15 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد4.1.2 Huawei Ascend G6-U10العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.3 Huawei Ascend Y530العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.3 Huawei P6-U06 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد4.2.2 LG G2 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.2.2Samsung Galaxy Nexusالعاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.0.4 و 4.3Samsung GT-N7000 -Galaxy Note العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.1.2Samsung GT-N7100 – Galaxy Note 2 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.1.1 و4.4.2Samsung GT-I9300 – Galaxy S3 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.1.1 Samsung Galaxy Tab 2 7.0 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.0.3 و 4.1.2Samsung GT-I9100 –  Galaxy S2 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد 4.0.3 و4.0.4 و 4.1.2Samsung GT-P5100 – Galaxy Tab 2 10.1 العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد4.2.2Samsung GT-I8190 – Galaxy S3 Mini العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد4.1.1قائمة بالمكالمات الصوتية التي تتم عبر الهاتف أو التطبيقات المثبتة (سكايب وفايبر)تسجيل المكالمات الصوتية عبر فايبر وسكايب (يحتاج لصلاحية الجذر)تسجيل المكالمات الصوتية في الهواتف العاملة بنظام التشغيل أندرويد من الإصدار4.0 إلى الإصدار 4.3)التجسس على الدردشات التي تتم عبر تطبيقات سكايب وواتسسآب وفايبر ولاين وفيسبوك و هانج أوت وتليجرام (تحتاج لصلاحية الجذر)التقاط صور عبر الكميرا الخاصة بالهاتفيستطيع الحصول جهات الاتصال الموجودة على الهاتف بما في ذلك جهات الاتصال الخاصة بتطبيقات الدردشة مثل سكايب وفيسبوك وجيميل. ( يحتاج البرنامج لصلاحية الجذر لتشغيل هذه الإمكانية لتطبيقات فيسبوك وهاتج أوت و سكايب)الوصول للملفات المُخزّنة على الهاتفالتجسس على الرسائل القصيرةالتجسس على رسائل البريد الإلكتروني عبر تطبيق Gmail (تحتاج لصلاحية الجذر)التجسس عبر ميكروفون الهاتف في الأوقات التي لا يُجرى بها اتصالمعرفm كلمات مرور الواي فاي المُخزّنة على الهاتف (يحتاج لصلاحية الجذر)التجسس على الصور المُخزّنة بالهاتفتحديد مكان الهاتف عبر GPSإلتقاط صورة لشاشة الهاتف (تحتاج لصلاحية الجذر)
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الهاتف العاملة بنظام التشغيل iOSعلى النحو التالي:
التعامل مع إصدارات نظام التشغيل iOSالتالية:يستطيع برنامج RCS تضمين عميل التجسس ضمن تطبيق معينالتجسس على الدردشة التي تتم عبر تطبيقات فايبر وواتسآب وسكايبالتجسس باستخدام الكميراالحصول جهات الاتصال الموجودة على الهاتف بما في ذلك جهات الاتصال الخاصة بتطبيقات الدردشة مثل سكايب وفيسبوك وجيميل.الحصول على قائمة الاتصال (هذه الإمكانية لا تعمل على iOS الإصدار7 أو الإصدارات الأعلى في هاتف آي فون 5 )تحديد المكان الجغرافي عبر الواي فاي(هذه الإمكانية لا تعمل على iOS الإصدار7أو الإصدارات الأعلى في هاتف آي فون 5وهاتف آي فون 6 بنفس الإصدارات )التقاط ما يتم كتابته على لوحة مفاتيح الهاتفالتقاط صورة لشاشة الهاتف (هذه الإمكانية لا تعمل على iOS الإصدار7 أو الإصدارات الأعلى في هاتف آي فون 5 وهاتف آي فون6 بنفس الإصدارات )التجسس على الرسائل القصيرة ورسائل البريد الإلكتروني المؤقتة (cached mail messages) ( إمكانية الاطلاع على البريد الإلكتروني لا تعمل بشكل جيد على هواتفiOS 4)التجسس على ملفات المُخزّنة على الهاتف(هذه الإمكانية لا تعمل على iOSالإصدار7 أو الإصدارات الأعلى في هاتف آي فون 5 )التقاط الروابط التي يتم تصفحها عبر الهاتفالتجسس من خلال تسجيل الصوت من ميكروفون الهاتف (هذه الإمكانية لا تعمل على iOS الإصدار7 أو الإصدارات الأحدث)معرفة التطبيقات المُثبتة على الهاتفالتجسس على ما تقوم به بتصفحه على الإنترنت (هذه الإمكانية على تعمل على iOS7)
ويندوز فون
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System – RCSالقدرة على التعامل مع الهاتف العاملة بنظام التشغيل ويندوز فون على النحو التالي
التعامل مع إصدارات نظام التشغيل ويندوز فون التالية:8.1 (تجريبي)8.0.10327.778.0.10211.2048.0.9903.10التجسس على كافة جهات الاتصال الموجودة بالهاتفتحديد مكان الهاتفالتجسس عبر مايكروفون الهاتف
بلاك بيري
لدى برنامج التجسس Remote Control System (RCS)القدرة على التعامل مع هواتف بلاك بيري على النحو التالي:
التعامل مع إصدارات نظام تشغيل بلاك بيري التالية:7.1 – 7.0 – 6.0 – 5.0 – 4.6 – 4.5التجسس على كافة جهات الاتصال الموجودة بالهاتفالتجسس على قائمة الاتصالالتجسس على دردشة BBMالتجسس على الملفات المُخزّنة بالهاتفالتجسس على الرسائل القصيرة SMS وMMS ورسائل البريد الإلكترونيالتجسس باستخدام مايكروفون الهاتفتحديد الموقع الجغرافي للهاتفالتقاط صور لشاشة الهاتف
مجموعة صور من برنامج التجسس


Freedom In Egypt Report


Egypt received a downward trend arrow due to the complete marginalization of the opposition, state surveillance of electronic communications, public exhortations to report critics of the government to the authorities, and the mass trials and unjustified imprisonment of members of the Muslim Brotherhood.


The military effectively controlled Egypt at the beginning of 2014, with no elected president or legislature in place following the June 2013 coup against then president Mohamed Morsi. In January, the interim government heavily promoted a new constitution to replace one adopted under Morsi. Authorities prevented organized campaigning against the new charter, which passed a referendum that month amid low voter turnout.

A presidential election was held May 26 to 28 following a brief and tightly managed campaign period. Former army field marshal and defense minister Abdel Fattah al-Sisi won a lopsided victory, credited with more than 95 percent of the vote. Observers noted major flaws in the process, however, and the sole opposition candidate, leftist politician Hamdeen Sabbahi, publicly questioned the official results.

The government harshly restricted dissent and assembly by activists from across the political spectrum during the year. The media were also targeted, with authorities harassing and sometimes jailing journalists who reported on political opposition of any kind.
An armed insurgency in the Sinai Peninsula continued to grow. In October, authorities began demolishing hundreds of homes along the border with the Gaza Strip in an effort to halt the flow of weapons and militants through the area.
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Political Rights: 8 / 40 (−1) [Key]
A. Electoral Process: 2 / 12 (+1)
In July 2013, following massive protests calling for the resignation of elected president Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the armed forces overthrew Morsi, suspended the constitution, and dissolved the upper house of Parliament. The military installed a nominally civilian interim government, but remained heavily involved in the political system. The courts had already dissolved the FJP-dominated lower house in 2012.

A new constitution was passed in a referendum on January 14 and 15, 2014, after a campaign period in which authorities effectively banned all expression of opposition to the charter. According to official results, the constitution received 98.1 percent of the vote, amid 38.6 percent turnout. The referendum was held in a tense atmosphere, with more than 350,000 security personnel deployed throughout the country, sporadically clashing with Islamists and other government opponents. Most Islamist groups boycotted the vote, arguing that the process was an illegitimate product of the 2013 coup.
The new constitution nominally improved protections for women’s rights, freedom of expression, and other civil liberties. However, these rights were not enforced in practice, and the charter suffered from significant flaws, including an expansion of police and military autonomy and a provision allowing military trials of civilians.
A presidential election was held in May after an uneventful 20-day campaign period. Sisi and Sabbahi were the only two candidates; a third dropped out just before the registration deadline, claiming he had received a divine signal that Sisi would win. Very low turnout on the first two days of voting prompted authorities to extend the process to a third day. Reports of other electoral irregularities included the use of state resources to support Sisi’s candidacy, voter intimidation by government workers and Sisi supporters, and arrests or assaults of poll monitors. The Sabbahi campaign withdrew its monitors in response to such violations. Sisi officially received more than 95 percent of the vote amid nearly 48 percent turnout, though Sabbahi and others questioned those figures, and no independent verification of the results was available. Sisi was sworn in on June 8. Under the new constitution, he could serve up to two four-year terms.
The constitution called for the election of a unicameral Parliament, but no such elections were held during 2014. With no legislature in place, the executive branch ruled by decree throughout the year. A June decree on parliamentary elections, coupled with a December measure on electoral districts, assigned 420 of the 567 seats to nonpartisan independent candidates, 120 to party lists, and 27 to presidential appointees. The arrangement was widely believed to disadvantage opposition parties and favor local power brokers with ties to the government.

B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 4 / 16 (−2)
Since the 2013 coup, the military has dominated the political system, and all opposition forces have been thoroughly marginalized. Large numbers of Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters, including nearly all of the organization’s senior leadership and Morsi himself, were arrested at the time of the coup or in the subsequent months, and an estimated 16,000 people were behind bars for political reasons as of mid-2014. Authorities declared the Brotherhood a terrorist organization in December 2013, which allowed them to charge anyone participating in a pro-Morsi demonstration with terrorism and laid a foundation for the complete political isolation of the Islamist opposition. The new constitution banned parties based on religion.
The government has also pursued non-Islamist critics, including prominent political scientists Emad Shahin, who was accused of espionage, and Amr Hamzawy, who was charged with insulting the judiciary, both in early 2014. Alaa Abdel Fattah, perhaps Egypt’s best-known secular activist, was in detention at year’s end, awaiting retrial and a possible sentence of 15 years in prison for violating a highly restrictive law on public protests. In another severe blow to liberal political activism, a court in April banned the April 6 movement, one of the prodemocracy groups that catalyzed the January 2011 uprising against longtime authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak.
The military leadership publicly endorsed Sisi’s presidential candidacy, calling it a “mandate and an obligation” to the masses. The interim president—whose own authority rested on a military decree—promoted Sisi to the rank of field marshal in January. Sisi resigned from the army when he formally announced his election bid, but he reportedly used military resources to fund his campaign and maintained a close relationship with the armed forces after taking office. The new constitution increased the military’s independence from civilian oversight, including through the selection of the defense minister, who must be a military officer.

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C. Functioning of Government: 2 / 12
Corruption is pervasive at all levels of government. Egypt was ranked 94 out of 175 countries and territories in Transparency International’s 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index. Official mechanisms for investigating and punishing corrupt behavior remain very weak, and the major revelations and prosecutions that emerged after Mubarak’s ouster in 2011 have faltered since the 2013 coup. Mubarak himself was sentenced to three years in prison for embezzlement in May 2014, and his two sons received four years each. However, appeals were pending at year’s end, and a number of other charges against the men were dropped in November.
As with its predecessors, the Sisi administration offered very little transparency regarding government operations and budget making. The military is notoriously opaque with respect to its own extensive business interests across several sectors of the Egyptian economy.
There was a civil society consultation process for the new constitution, though civic and opposition groups did not have a significant impact on the final document, and the drafting committee itself was not representative of the general population.

Civil Liberties: 18 / 60 (−4)
D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 5 / 16 (−1)
Military authorities shut down virtually all Islamist and opposition media outlets following the 2013 coup and pressured others if they carried any critical coverage of the new government. As a result, state media and most surviving private outlets are openly pro-military and pro-Sisi.
Official censorship and self-censorship remained widespread in 2014. In October, the government seized an entire press run of Egypt’s largest private newspaper, Al-Masry al-Youm, because it included a sensitive interview with a former intelligence officer. Security forces later detained the paper’s editor in chief and a reporter to question them about their investigation of fraud in the 2012 presidential election. Separately, political comedian Bassem Youssef suspended his satirical television show in June, citing extensive pressure to refrain from criticizing the government; the show had already moved to a Dubai-based broadcaster after an Egyptian station pulled it in late 2013.
The government has conducted an ongoing offensive against Qatar’s Al-Jazeera television network, which is considered sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood. In late June 2014, a court sentenced three Al-Jazeera journalists to at least seven years in prison each on charges of conspiring with the Brotherhood to publish false news. The convictions followed a farcical trial in which prosecutors presented no credible evidence of the alleged crimes. An appeal was pending at year’s end. Arrests of other journalists on dubious charges continued during 2014, and media workers had increasing difficulty accessing or reporting on the Sinai.
Islam is the state religion, and most Egyptians are Sunni Muslims. Coptic Christians form a substantial minority, and there are very small numbers of Jews, Shiite Muslims, and Baha’is. The 2014 constitution made the right to freedom of religion “absolute” and was well received by religious minorities, though little has changed in practice since the document’s adoption. Some Morsi supporters considered the Coptic community to be partly responsible for his overthrow and attacked Copts and their property in retaliation. Only an estimated 10 percent of the dozens of churches and businesses damaged in such attacks in 2013 had been rebuilt by late 2014.
Anyone whose appearance or dress suggests adherence to a conservative form of Islam continues to be at risk of arrest or harassment. An atmosphere of insecurity and repression prevailed throughout 2014, with the government dictating weekly sermon themes at mosques and closely monitoring political speech at religious institutions. Authorities also stepped up pressure on perceived atheists, enforcing laws against blasphemy and raiding supposed gathering places for atheists in November and December.
Academic freedom has suffered since the 2013 coup. Despite a ban on political activity, universities have been a center of antigovernment demonstrations and the target of a government crackdown. Sisi appoints university presidents and has empowered university officials to expel and further marginalize antigovernment students. Hundreds of students were arrested for demonstrating against the government over the course of 2014.
Private discussion has become more guarded in the face of vigilantism and increased monitoring of social media for opposition-oriented content. Media personalities have called on the public to inform on anyone they suspect of undermining the state, and some arrests have been reported stemming from overheard conversations in public places.

E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 4 / 12
Freedoms of assembly and association are tightly restricted. A November 2013 decree gave police great leeway to ban and forcibly disperse gatherings of 10 or more people. The law also prohibits all protests at places of worship and requires protest organizers to inform police at least three days in advance. Protests against the government continued throughout 2014, but they often ended in violent clashes with police and local residents, and police repeatedly used excessive force. On the third anniversary of the 2011 uprising in January, authorities responded to secularist and Islamist demonstrations with tear gas and live ammunition, resulting in at least 49 deaths and more than 1,000 arrests.
The 2002 Law on Associations grants the government sweeping powers over nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), including the ability to shut down the groups, confiscate their funding, and block nominations to their governing boards. Individuals working with unregistered groups face prison terms for engaging in “unauthorized activities.” The government has in the past permitted NGOs to operate without registration, enforcing the law when it becomes politically expedient. Under a decree issued in September 2014, members of NGOs that use foreign funding to commit acts that “harm the national interest” face life imprisonment and fines of nearly $70,000. If an offender is a public servant or committed the violation for the purposes of terrorism, he or she could face the death penalty.
Strikes played a significant role in the 2011 uprising, and workers subsequently formed an independent union federation, ending the long-standing monopoly of the state-allied federation. The labor movement was dampened somewhat after Morsi’s ouster, as authorities clamped down on strikes and accused those involved of sympathizing with the Muslim Brotherhood. Strikes began to increase again in early 2014, particularly around demands for the nationwide expansion of a new minimum wage that had been granted to some public-sector workers. Authorities responded with raids, arrests, and intimidation.

F. Rule of Law: 2 / 16 (−2)
The Supreme Judicial Council, a supervisory body of senior judges, nominates most members of the judiciary. However, the Justice Ministry plays a key role in assignments and transfers, giving it undue influence over the courts. The judiciary was at the center of the political process following the 2013 coup. Supreme Constitutional Court chairman Adli Mansour served as interim president, and judges played a leading role in the drafting of the constitution. The new charter significantly enhances the judiciary’s autonomy, including by allowing each major judicial entity to receive its budget as a single line item and permitting the Supreme Constitutional Court to appoint its own chairman.
A number of criminal cases in 2014 featured severe violations of due process and demonstrated a high degree of politicization in the court system, which typically resulted in harsh punishments for perceived enemies of the government. Three deeply flawed mass trials in March, April, and December led to death sentences for 1,400 suspected Islamists, though most were later reduced to life in prison.
The new constitution allows for trials of civilians by military courts, which have traditionally been used to target government critics. Charges brought in military courts are often vague or fabricated, defendants are denied due process, and basic evidentiary standards are routinely disregarded.
Police brutality and impunity for abuses by security forces were catalysts for the 2011 uprising, but there has been no security-sector reform in the subsequent four years. Prison conditions are very poor; inmates are subject to torture, overcrowding, and a lack of sanitation and medical care. In December 2014 a local human rights group accused the police of holding hundreds of minors in harsh conditions after they were arrested for protesting and related offenses.
Egypt was under a state of emergency from 1981 until May 2012, and for three months following the 2013 coup. The Emergency Law grants the government extensive powers of surveillance and detention. In October 2014, after coordinated attacks by militants killed more than 30 soldiers, authorities declared a three-month state of emergency in large areas of the Sinai and instituted a nightly curfew. In November, the region’s most prominent militant faction, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, declared its loyalty to the Islamic State, the extremist group based in Syria and Iraq.
The authorities in 2014 appeared to step up enforcement of laws against “debauchery,” particularly targeting men perceived as gay. In an increasingly common occurrence, six men were sentenced to two years in prison in September after they were arrested in a raid on an apartment that the authorities claimed was a central location for same-sex sexual activity. Eight men arrested under the same charge that month, in connection with a video of a supposed same-sex wedding, received reduced sentences of one year in jail after being subjected to forced medical examinations to determine if they had engaged in sex with other men. A televised raid on a bathhouse in December resulted in debauchery charges against 26 men.

G. Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights: 7 / 16 (−1)
--> --> Freedom of movement and property rights were both severely affected by the government’s counterinsurgency efforts in the Sinai in 2014. In addition to the curfew and other travel restrictions, beginning in October the military summarily demolished hundreds of homes in the town of Rafah to create a secure buffer zone along the border with the Gaza Strip, displacing more than 1,000 families. Also during the year, a number of foreign scholars and activists were barred entry to the country.
Unlike Egypt’s past constitutions, which have limited women’s rights to those compatible with Islamic law, the 2014 constitution clearly affirms the equality of the sexes. However, this has not resulted in practical improvements for women. Some laws and traditional practices discriminate against women, job discrimination is common, and Muslim women are disadvantaged by personal status laws. Domestic violence is widespread. Spousal rape is not illegal, and the penal code allows for leniency in so-called honor killings. Other problems include forced marriages, human trafficking, and high rates of female genital mutilation or cutting.
Violence against women has surfaced in new ways since 2011, particularly as women have participated in demonstrations and faced increased levels of sexual violence in public. This includes sexual harassment on the street, and severe cases of group sexual assaults at public gatherings. A June 2014 decree criminalized sexual harassment, with prison terms of up to five years and fines of up to $7,000, but critics argued that the law was inadequate, citing a lack of protection for witnesses among its weak points. In July, seven men were sentenced to life in prison for attempted murder and other offenses in a series of group sexual assaults committed in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. After a video circulated of one such assault, in which a crowd stripped and beat a woman on the night of Sisi’s inauguration, the government had vowed a stronger response to the attacks.

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Scoring Key: X / Y (Z)
X = Score Received
Y = Best Possible Score
Z = Change from Previous Year

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