"Have a look upon us, have a look upon us... you who were given the precious knowledge."
Thursday marked the birthday — Mulid — of Al-Sayeda Nafisa, wife of
one of Prophet Muhammad's grandsons. The air was filled with eulogy
poems, music and Quran recitations by thousands of her devotees from
across the country who travel annually to her mausoleum in Old Cairo.
They ask her for guidance and to grant the wishes they whisper to her
tomb.
Hundreds of large tents were erected around the mosque to accommodate
the visitors. Each tent carries a banner that shows the Sufi sect that
manages it and the governorate it comes from.
One tent in particular, with a sign reading, "The Khalilia Sect —
Giza" was quieter than all the others. It catered food and beverages for
the poor and needy, but offered no music nor dhikr dancing.
"Of course not all those who are celebrating the Mulid are Sufis,
many of them are Shias," said Khaled Alatfy, editor-in-chief of "The
Arabic Family" newspaper, who was sitting inside the Khalilia of Giza
tent. "But most of them don’t wish to be identified."
Sufism and Shia Islam share many characteristics, including the deep
love and glorification of
Prophet Muhammad's bloodline, Ahl al-Bayt.
"Many Shias prefer to practice their faith under the umbrella of
Sufism," said Alatfy. Sufism, he said, provides a tolerant safe haven
while carrying a more socially and politically acceptable label.
Hundreds of Shia were hunted, imprisoned, and persecuted under the rule of the toppled president Hosni Mubarak.
There is no law that prohibits one from being Shia, but police and prosecutors have chosen
from a variety of "disrespecting religion," and "disrupting the social
harmony" charges that can be stretched to fit anyone who belongs to a
non acceptable faith or ideology.
Alatfy spoke in a
low voice; he didn't want to attract attention. Media were not welcomed
inside the tent, and photography was strictly prohibited.
Many members of this specific sect, Alatfy explained, had been
arrested and subjected to constant police surveillance and harassment.
In 1996, Hasan Shehata, an imam in Giza, gained notoriety for publicly
preaching Shia Islam. He was frank and spoke up harshly and satirically
against Sunni Islam.
It wasn't long before he, hundreds of his followers, and many who
were suspected to be followers were arrested without charge under
emergency law.
One of the strictly Sufi members of the sect, who wished not to be
identified, said that he spent five months in prison and was summoned
several times for security checks for no apparent reason.
"I had some friends who happened to be among the audience of Hasan Shehata, and that was my only crime," he said.
The agonizing past of Egyptian Shia in the past two decades is not the only reason that keeps many reluctant to speak.
Mohammad Al Hussieny, a Shia primary school teacher, grabbed from his
pocket a leaflet distributed in the streets of Cairo few weeks ago. It
read: "Shias are the enemy of God and the spies of Iran. They are more
dangerous to the Islamic Nation than the Jews. Shias must be expelled
out of
Egypt."
The Salafist rise after the Arab Spring uprising in Egypt evoked an
unprecedented anti-Shia wave of hatred. The new Egyptian constitution
has an article that limits the interpretation of Sharia law to the
sources and jurisprudence of the Sunni doctrine.
That article is viewed by Shias as a gateway to ban the celebration
of Al-Sayeda Nafisa's birthday, and hundreds of similar Mulids
commemorated in every corner of Egypt, and enforce more hostile policies
against their freedom to express their faith.
In September 2012, the Supreme Administrative Court rejected granting
a permit for Al Tahrir Party, a socialist party founded by several Shia
figures, because it was "based on religious principle." This wasn’t an
obstacle for the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, nor for
the Salafi Al-Nour party, both of which have strong declared Islamic
affiliations.
Since Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Egypt last
February, Salafist movements have initiated an ongoing campaign against
Shias. They have called for marches to counter the "Iranian-Shia tide,"
and organized conferences about the "dangers of Shiism."
Two weeks ago, there were clashes between Salafist demonstrators and
the security forces surrounding the house of the head of the Iranian
mission in Cairo.
The reasons for the Salafists’ hostility are not merely religious,
but also political, according to Khaled Saeed, spokesperson of the
Salafi Front, one of the hardliner Sunni groups who took part in the
latest anti-Shia campaign.
"Look at the east of Saudi Arabia, the south of
Lebanon, and what's happening in Bahrain and
Iraq. Iran spreads havoc everywhere they reach," Saaed said in a phone interview.
Saeed claims that Egyptian Shia are not the target.
"As long as they are fully integrated inside the Egyptian society,
they are not an enemy,” said Saeed. “It is a different story if they
tried manifesting the Iranian agenda."
Saeed asserts that some Salafist groups are using the anti-Shia rhetoric for political gains.
"It is a way of attracting more followers and strengthen[ing] their unity in front of a common enemy," he said.
Saeed added that it is possible some Salafist forces are using the
Shia card to pressure the Muslim Brotherhood regime trying to normalize
diplomatic relations with Iran and allow Iranian tourism, which has been
suspended since the seventies.
It is hard to draw a strict line between where religious motives end
and electoral strategies begin. The results are the same: the majority
of Shia are keeping a low profile, and continue to practice their faith
with a great deal of secrecy and caution, yet with a strong belief that
their community shall survive the difficult circumstances.
"Isn't it ironic to see leaflets calling for kicking Shias out of
Egypt, while they were the ones who built its capital?" asked the
teacher Al Hussieny bitterly.
Cairo was built during the Fatimid Shia dynasty that ruled Egypt in
the 10th century. Shrines and holy sites like that of Al-Sayeda Nafisa
are spread everywhere in the historical parts of the capital and remain a
source of comfort and strength to Shia and Sufis.
"We built it, we will stay in it, and so will our sons and grandsons," said Al Hussieny in a resilient tone.
