I got in a taxi on Thursday and within a few minutes of conversation
the driver asked my nationality. This has been a sensitive question
recently; last week an American near the embassy answered in the
positive and was stabbed in the neck for his troubles. ‘I hate America,’ the assailant confessed afterwards.
For the taxi driver, however, it was an opportunity of a different
sort. After I owned up to my nationality he leaned over to his glove
compartment and…
… pulled out a sheet of paper.
In fact it was one of many, some signed, most not yet. The driver was
preaching the merits of a new campaign to oust President Morsi, and
wanted me to convey the message to America. they aim to collect fifteen million signatures to their
petition, vaulting over the total number of votes cast for Morsi in the
presidential elections. They claim two million to date.
Their grand finale is planned for June 30, at the presidential palace, one year to the day in which Morsi took office.
Here is the translation of their flyer:
REBEL
To withdraw confidence from the Brotherhood regime
The Rebellion Campaign
(to withdraw confidence from Mohamed Morsi ….)
Because security has not yet returned to the street … we don’t want you
Because the poor still do not have a place … we don’t want you
Because we are still begging from abroad … we don’t want you
Because the rights of the martyrs still have not been fulfilled … we don’t want you
Because there is still no dignity for myself or my country … we don’t want you
Because the economy has collapsed and is built upon begging … we don’t want you
Because you follow the Americans … we don’t want you
Since Mohamed Morsi the … came to power, the
simple citizen has felt that not one goal of the revolution has been
achieved – for bread, freedom, social justice, and national
independence. Morsi has failed to realize them all. No security, no
social justice – he is a demonstrated failure in the complete sense of
the word. It is not fitting for him to administrate a nation of Egypt’s
weight.
Therefore:
I, the undersigned, from my free and complete will, as
a member of the general assembly of the Egyptian people, withdraw
confidence from the president of the republic, the dictator Mohamed
Morsi, and call for early presidential elections. I pledge to hold
firmly to the goals of the revolution and to work on their behalf,
spreading the Rebellion Campaign among the masses until we are able to
achieve social dignity, justice, and freedom.
Saudi Arabia executes 5 Yemenis in Jizan, displays bodies in public
Saudi Arabia
executed five Yemenis on Tuesday and displayed their bodies in public
for killing a Saudi national and forming a gang that committed robberies
across several towns in the kingdom, the interior ministry said.
The five were executed in the south western town of Jizan, bringing
the number of people executed in the kingdom this year to 46, according
to AFP stats. The five men in the above picture are seen hanging from a
rope tied to their waists on a horizontal bar between two cranes. It is
uncertain whether they were beheaded or shot.
The ministry said that Khaled, Adel ,Qasim Saraa , Saif Ali Al Sahari
and Khaled Showie Al Sahari had formed a gang which committed “several
crimes in various regions in the kingdom and robbed stores.”
The Ministry added that the five had killed Ahmad Haroubi, a Saudi, by beating him up and strangling him.
Under Saudi
Arabia’s strict version of Sharia law, rape, murder, apostasy, armed
robbery and drug trafficking are all punishable by death.
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The number of people executed in Saudi Arabia this year reached 46, according to news agency AFP.
Saudi Arabia’s interior ministry said that Khaled, Adel and Qassem
Saraa, Saif Ali al-Sahari and Khaled Showie al-Sahari had formed a gang
which committed “several crimes in various regions in the kingdom and
robbed stores”.
The gang had killed Ahmed Haroubi, a Saudi, by beating him up and strangling him, the ministry said.
Murder, apostasy, armed robbery, rape as well as drug trafficking
are all punishable by death under Saudi Arabia’s strict version of
sharia, or Islamic law.
Hell is other Twitter users — according to the head of Saudi Arabia's religious police force, anyway.
Sheikh Abdul Latif Abdul Aziz al-Sheikh said Wednesday that Muslims
who use Twitter or other social media have "lost this world and his
afterlife," as quoted by BBC News.
Saudi Arabia has a complicated relationship with social media as its usage skyrockets
in the country. However, the Saudi government is worried social media
could help the political opposition in the country organize in spread,
similar to the ways it has been used throughout the Middle East and
elsewhere.
"The Kingdom is particularly concerned with how Twitter has been used
to keep people informed of human rights activists who have been tried
for the crime of free speech," writes Jonathan Turley,
professor of law at The George Washington University Law School.
"Leaders on the web have been detained while others have been charged
with apostasy and other crimes for statements made on these sites."
Software engineer Moxie Marlinspike recently alleged in a blog post that Saudi Arabia wants the ability to spy on Twitter and such popular messaging services as Viber and WhatsApp.
Several years ago, Saudi Arabia threatened to ban BlackBerry devices
unless the company made it easier for the government to read users'
messages. The company reportedly decided to comply with those demands.
Other religious figures, including the Dalai Lama and the Pope,
have embraced social media to varying degrees as a way to spread their
message or connect with those inside and outside their faith. Can
religion and social media mix? Share your thoughts in the comments.
Would you be comfortable being surrounded by robots?
A British manufacturing firm is trying to make robots that
share more human characteristics, to make interaction with them more
natural and intuitive than ever before.
Cornwall's Engineered Arts is in the vanguard of this area of
research, which aims to make robots' facial expressions, body language
and way of moving more recognisable to real people.
Founder Will Jackson gave a tour of his robot factory to the
BBC, and explained how he and his team of a dozen people are looking to
expand the frontiers of robot technology.
Flare on 12 May Solar filament and flare on 3 May 2013 Between 12 and 14 May, the Sun unleashed four intense bursts of radiation, or flares. These X-class flares - the most intense type - represent the strongest activity on the Sun so far in 2013. This picture from Nasa's Solar Dynamics Observatory (SDO) shows the first of these on 12 May.
Flares are associated with eruptions known as coronal mass ejections, or
CMEs. These can release billions of solar particles into space in the
form of charged gas and other material. This picture from the Stereo
spacecraft shows a CME earlier this year. The black disc blocks out the
Sun so that fainter features can be seen.
Flares and CMEs originate around active regions known as sunspots. These
are temporary dark patches on the Sun caused by magnetic activity. The
recent flares were released from a sunspot called AR1748; this picture,
taken in 2010 by the New Solar Telescope in New Jersey shows a different
feature.
The shocking
video of a Syrian rebel eating
the lung of a pro-Assad fighter spread like wildfire across the Internet
earlier this week. The rebel, who goes by the nom de guerre Abu Sakkar, has filmed a YouTube video explaining his
actions.
"I am willing to face trial for my actions if Bashar and his shabeeha [militiamen] stand trial for their
atrocities," he says.
"My message to the world is if the bloodshed in Syria doesn't stop, all of
Syria will become like Abu Sakkar."
The Syrian rebel,
whose real name is Khalid al-Hamad, goes on to explain that he did what he did
because of atrocities committed by pro-Assad fighters. He said that evidence
taken from their cell phones showed how they raped women, killed children, and
tortured men. In an
article published this week by TIME magazine, the rebel fighter explained
that he had a sectarian hatred of Alawites, and that he had made another video
where he cuts up a pro-Assad fighter's body with a saw.
Abu Sakkar's
actions not only created controversy among observers of the conflict,
but also prompted the Syrian rebel leadership to take action. The Free
Syrian Army's
Military Council released a
statement condemning Abu Sakkar's "monstrous act," and instructed field
commanders to being an investigation "in which the perpetrator will be brought
to justice."
So far, however,
Abu Sakkar appears to still be on the battlefield. At the end of the video, the
cameraman asks him whether he will continue fighting after this controversy.
"Victory or martyrdom, I will fight to the death," he replies, then walks off
down the road.
Yemen plane crash: Pilot dies after mid-air explosion
A pilot in Yemen has died after the plane he was flying exploded in mid-air, according to an army official.
The aircraft was reportedly on a military exercise when it
crashed in a residential district of the capital
From a few kilometres across town, the blast sounded like a muffled
thump - the grim reality of an explosion going off inside a packed
crowd.
Sitting under fruit trees in a beautiful garden in Sanaa,
my Yemeni companions looked up from their cups of tea and waited for the
sound of gunfire to follow.
When they did not, we all settled back into our conversation.
We had no idea from our leafy oasis that the worst single terror attack in Yemen's history had just occurred.
Within
30 minutes, we were driving back to our hotel crammed into the usual
chronic traffic. The sound of ambulance sirens screamed past us.
An
al-Qaeda suicide bomber had just pulled off a ruthlessly symbolic
attack at a rehearsal for Tuesday's National Day military parade. Menacing group
The
parade was supposed to celebrate Yemen's unification since 1990, when a
war between the north and south ended in northern victory.
But
the southern secessionists have been replaced by a more modern, more
menacing group pulling Yemen apart: Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP).
Their local affiliate, known as Anshar Al Shariah, later
claimed responsibility for the attack in a message sent across the
capital of this less-than-unified Arabian Peninsula nation.
The
attack was set against the backdrop of a raging war in the southern
provinces of Yemen. Al-Qaeda fighters have taken advantage of almost a
year and a half of political chaos to grab swathes of the country there.
To
the alarm of Western security concerns, al-Qaeda was taking ground,
invading cities and getting close to their dream of their own Caliphate.
Yemen, in fact, was looking like the group's biggest success story in
recent years.
Since Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to resign as
president and hand power over to his deputy, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi,
however, the fight against al-Qaeda has been stepped up enormously.
Targeted drone strikes and a fresh offensive have been attributed to US military co-operation.
The
American government has not confirmed it is carrying out the current
targeted air strikes against the fighters, or that it has sent military
advisers to help Hadi fight AQAP.
Strength or desperation
Monday's attack could be seen as either a sign of strength or desperation by the group.
They
have lost hundreds of fighters in recent weeks to the fighting,
according to the Yemeni government, and have been pushed back from some
of their territories in the south.
So, these attacks are in many ways revenge against the government.
They
also clearly show the strength of the group, carrying out an attack
right in the centre of the capital, literally metres from a main
military base and down the street from the presidential palace.
A few hours after the attack, reports circulated of two other would-be bombers found hiding in a park nearby.
What was a huge blow at the heart of Yemen's new government and military, could have been even bigger.
Today we had a strong sandstorm in Cairo and Giza
since early morning and some Egyptians amazingly expressed their shock
and surprise on social media that we have a sandstorm in .. Egypt !!
Vision
was terrible and the weather was extremely hot today. Unfortunately
this will continue for another 2 days , at least till Wednesday. I wish
it rains in Cairo to make weather better.
I do know if those
people are serious or they are just the victim of bad education system
or what. All what I know that this sandstorm is normal thing in spring
time in Egypt and that it is called El Khamsin too in case you forget.
All what I know that this sandstorm is normal thing in spring time in Egypt and that it is called El Khamsin too in case you forget.
Shalateen (Egyptian Arabic: شلاتينŠalatīn pronounced [ʃælæˈtiːn]; also spelled: Alshalateen or Shalatin) 520 kilometres (320 mi) south of Hurghada, is the biggest city just north of the Halayeb Triangle, an area of disputed sovereignty between Egypt and Sudan. It serves as the administrative center (markaze) of all Egyptian territory up to the border between Egypt and Sudan, including the villages of:
Abu Ramad, 125 kilometres (78 mi) to the southeast;
Halayeb, 165 kilometres (103 mi) to the southeast;
Ras Hadarba 200 kilometres (120 mi) to the southeast. Ras Hadarba or
Cape Hadarba lies on the shores of the Red Sea to the southeast of the
city of Halayeb and to the east of mount Hadarba from which it takes its
name. The village of Ras Hadarba lies just north of the borders between
Egypt and Sudan which run along the 22 degree north parallel of
latitude;
Marsa Hameera, 40 kilometres (25 mi) to the north; and
Abrak, 90 kilometres (56 mi) to the west.
The first three of the above towns (Abu Ramad, Halayeb and Ras Hadarba) are located within the disputed Halayeb Triangle.
History
Egyptian ministries and authorities are in the process of
establishing their presence in the area and operate in conjunction with
the City Council to provide services to the local communities according
to the policies and programs of their respective organizations. The
military is responsible for security and law enforcement in the Halayeb
Triangle. Red Sea Governorate's Popular Council, including many members
from the Bisharia and Ababda, are responsible for determining what the
local people need and supporting local participation in management and
development of this area.
The Egyptian government also provides additional social services to
the local communities, such as food, water, monetary assistance,
subsidies, health care, veterinary care, housing and education. A new
international Airport in Marsa Alam was built, about 270 kilometres
(170 mi) from Shalateen city, which Egyptian policy makers intend to be
the center of more development for the southern region included the
Shalateen area.
Ethnography
Local tribes in Halayeb and Shalateen area have had little exposure
to modernization under Sudanese administration and under Egyptian
administration up to 1992. But after 1992, the Egyptian government
started to implement a development plan when it started to build some
settlements, including 500 new houses built in Shalateen and 250 in
Aboramad and Halayeb, depending on Shalateen local council sources.
Roads were also established, including a 250-kilometer road between
Shalateen and Marsa Alam city in north, and three new electricity
generators have begun operation since 1993. In 1993–94, the Egyptian
government launched a plan for the social economic development of the
area. Services and economic support were delivered in the main towns and
villages and necessary infrastructures was built. Financial and in-kind
donations were sponsored for a total amount of 1.5 billion L.E.
currently; the Government is supporting local families with 70 L.E. per
month, and 3 L.E. per day to each child going to school. Nowadays many
high educated people, and many local people, work as employees of the
government, NGOs and private sector companies, which will help in more
development.
Depending on that and on the government development policy, many
people from the mountains moved to towns in order to benefit from these
services. They were given houses with a permanent water source, food
supplies, electricity and education. So far, approximately 8,000 people
have settled along the coast. As a result of the plan, communities in
the urban areas have improved their livelihood.
Local community in Halayeb area has been involved in the management
of Gabel Elba Protected Area as guides and also as environmental
researchers in the management and conservation of the natural resources
of this area; local people are also involved in the decision making
process. The World Food Program
project in this area "Support Bedouin Life Project" represents a good
model for the Egyptian government's policy of local participation and
community-based management of projects.
References
Notes
Sources
Metrash,A.& Pozzan, E (2002). Preliminary Study of the Local
Communities in Elba Protected Area,Report submitted for EIECP,EGYPTIAN
ITALIAN ENVIRONMENTAL COOPERATION PROGRAM - PHASE II EEAA,Egypt
domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide
Saudi Arabia, a country not exactly known for progressive attitudes
toward women, has launched its first major campaign against domestic
violence — its latest effort to embrace, at least superficially, some women’s rights reforms.
The ads in the “No More Abuse” campaign show a woman in a dark veil
with one black eye. The English version reads “some things can’t be
covered.” The Arabic version, according to Foreign Policy‘s David Kenner, translates roughly as “the tip of the iceberg.” A Web site for the campaign includes a report on reducing domestic violence and emergency resources for victims.
Exact figures on domestic violence are hard to come by. The State Department’s most recent human rights report
cites estimates that 16 to 50 percent of Saudi wives suffer some kind
of spousal abuse. Saudi law does not criminalize domestic violence or
spousal rape, and social repercussions can make reporting violence of
any kind difficult. Both rape and domestic violence “may be seriously
underreported,” according to the State Department report.
The Saudi government has begun to address the problem, at least in
name. In 2008, a prime ministerial decree ordered the expansion of
“social protection units,” its version of women’s shelters, in several
large cities, and ordered the government to draft a national strategy to
deal with domestic violence, according to the United Nations.
Several royal foundations, including the King Abdulaziz Center for
National Dialogue and the King Khalid Foundation, have also led
education and awareness efforts.
None of this changes the fact, of course, that Saudi Arabia remains an often difficult place to be a woman. The World Economic Forum ranks the country 131st out of 135 for its record on women’s rights, citing a total lack of political and economic empowerment.
The country has a strong record on women’s health and education, however: On metrics such as enrollment in higher education, Saudi Arabia actually scores well above the global average.
Some of those well-educated women are leading the fight against domestic violence now. Maha Almuneef,
a pediatrician, directs the National Family Safety Program, an
anti-violence effort that has also benefited from the patronage of Saudi
Arabia’s Princess Adela.
“Reporting violence and abuse should be compulsory, and there should be a witness protection program,” Adela said at a 2009 conference on ending the country’s domestic abus
Hackgate - The IPCC and Surrey's "Collective Amnesia"
Published in late April '13, the Independent Police Complaints Commision (IPCC) Commissioner’s Report
entitled 'IPCC independent investigation into Surrey Police’s knowledge
of the alleged illegal accessing of Amanda (Milly) Dowler’s mobile
phone in 2002' runs to just 6 scathing pages. Its key observation is
that
former senior officers at Surrey Police were 'afflicted by a form of
collective amnesia' in relation to the force’s failure to investigate an
allegation in 2002 that the voicemail of Amanda (Milly) Dowler had been
hacked by the News of the World (NOTW).
The relevant documents in the public domain consist of a letter from
Surrey Police to the Culture, Media and Sport Select Committee (CMS) on Surrey's own investigation (Operation
Baronet), evidence read-in to the Leveson Inquiry from the Metropolitan
Police Service (MET), as well as that IPCC Commissioner's Report. The
latter specifically focused on the referrals of Maria Woodall and Craig
Denholm for potential recordable conduct.
MARIA WOODALL
Then: In 2002, Maria Woodall was Detective Sergeant and Action Team
Manager of Surrey Police's investigation Operation Ruby into the
abduction of missing teenager Millie Dowler. She appears to have been
frank with the IPCC that the hacking of Millie's mobile phone by NOTW
was known by several on the investigation team - for example, DC John
Lyndon's 23rd April '02 log entry (p14)
...in light of the News of the World revelation that they or a third
party has accessed the voicemail it is possible that the messages had
previously been listened to by unknown persons and deleted.
Millie's mother Sally recounted to the Leveson Inquiry (p14)
her own suspicions that NOTW had intercepted family phones to get a
particularly intrusive story for publication ('The Longest Walk').
Woodall's referral to the IPCC however was not about 2002. She was
investigated for allegedly failing to pass on knowledge of NOTW's
hacking later during the investigation which led to the convictions of
Clive Goodman and Glenn Mulcaire (p4):
The case against her rested on her actions and knowledge in 2007, when
the first phone hacking convictions took place. It is clear that at that
point she accessed the HOLMES system to view documents from 2002
associated with phone hacking.
Though the IPCC investigation "concluded that there was no case to
answer for misconduct." From 2006, Operation Ruby's Senior
Investigating Officer (SIO) was Detective Chief Superintendent Mark
Rowley. It is not known if Woodall informed him of her HOLMES searches.
Now: Temporary Detective Superintendent Woodall is about to leave Surrey for a new job with the City of London Police.
STUART GIBSON
Then: Detective Chief Inspector Gibson was the initial appointed Senior
Investigating Officer (SIO) when Millie Dowler disappeared in March
2002. It has been alleged that Gibson was one of the Surrey officers
who met with NOTW senior journalists and were told of the hacking. (here)
Documented evidence of his meeting(s) with NOTW are missing. Within a
few weeks, Gibson was removed from Operation Ruby. The conclusions from a
progress review by Sussex Police undertaken in the summer of 2002 are here.
At the same time, there was adverse criticism from the press - one
"describing the investigation under DCI Gibson as 'rudderless' and this
media coverage has since been described by (then Deputy Chief Constable)
Peter Fahy as 'a factor in replacing the SIO for [the investigation]".
(p9)
Now: Stuart Gibson is retired.
The IPCC Investigation also states that amongst senior officers
interviewed were those at Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO)
level.
CRAIG DENHOLM (ACPO level)
Surrey Police's evidence to the CMS Committee and the Leveson Inquiry
came from Assistant Chief Constable Jerry Kirkby. Normally, both might
have warranted the attention of the force Chief Constable. However,
Surrey's Chief Constable Mark Rowley had just left for a new post with
the MET and Temporary Chief Constable Craig Denholm was himself
implicated as the focus of Operation Baronet.
Then: In 2002, Detective Chief Superintendent Denholm (Head of Crime)
was Overall Officer in Charge (OOC) of Operation Ruby - the immediate
superior officer to SIO Stuart Gibson.
The case against Denholm "rested on his claim to have had no knowledge
about the alleged hacking of Milly Dowler’s phone before this was
revealed publicly in 2011. Given the extent of knowledge within the
investigation team, and Surrey Police as a whole, and the fact that this
was referred to in documents which he is known to have received, the
investigation found it hard to understand how he, the officer in charge,
could not have been aware of the alleged hacking. But despite detailed
examination of all extant documents and interviews with all relevant
witnesses, the investigation was unable to find any witness or
documentary evidence that contradicted Mr Denholm’s own repeated
assertions to the IPCC that he did not know, and had not made the
relevant connections. In view of that...there was insufficient evidence
to support a finding of a case to answer for gross misconduct."
Now: Denholm has just been appointed Deputy Chief Constable of Hampshire
Police. Its Chief Constable Andy Marsh said: "Craig is an experienced
and very capable DCC with a good track record of leadership and delivery
of excellent policing services to the public."
MARK ROWLEY (ACPO level)
Then: Rowley joined Surrey in 2002 as Chief Superintendent to command West Surrey Basic Command Unit. Previously (Guardian)
as a detective superintendent at the National Criminal Intelligence
Service, he 'led on the national deployment of covert techniques to
combat organised crime such as telephone interception'
Rowley became Surrey Assistant Chief Constable from November 2003 and
assumed the role of OOC for Operation Ruby in 2006. He was appointed
Chief Constable in 2009. Following the conviction of Levi Bellfield in
2011 for Millie Dowler's murder, Rowley iniated Operation Baronet under
AC Jerry Kirkby.
Now: Rowley is Assistant Commissioner at the MET. For some time he was
direct superior officer of DAC Sue Akers command of Operations Weeting,
Elveden and Tuleta. Responsibility for these investigations was
subsequently transferred to AC Cressida Dick.
PETER FAHY (ACPO level)
Then: Throughout 2002, Fahy was Deputy Chief Constable of Surrey Police
under Chief Constable Denis O'Connor. Fahy left Surrey in Dec '02 to
become Chief Constable of Cheshire Police.
Now: Knighted in 2012, Sir Peter Fahy is currently Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police.
DENIS O'CONNOR (ACPO level)
Then: In 2002, O'Connor was Chief Constable of Surrey Police. In all
available evidence, O'Connor has been very keen to distance himself from
the NOTW phone hacking in 2002. Instead, he has consistently
emphasized his heavy reliance on Peter Fahy's responsibility to have
informed him:
You will understand that as a discipline authority, not everything
reaches the Chief Constable, who must sit in judgment of things. So I
may have been partially safe from it, but I would have expected and, you
know,my sort of --my concern with the mission of policing and its
credibility, that people would have drawn -- my senior staff, my
professional standards department -- if there was anything significant,
they would have told me... Particularly my Deputy Chief Constable at the
present (sic) time, Peter Fahy, I had absolute faith in his integrity. I
thought he would make the right judgments
Lord Justice Leveson did however challenge O'Connor on this strategy of continuing, unsighted insulation (pp 98-100). His witness statement added (1st witness statement, p7):
I am not fully sighted on the details of the alleged contact between the
News of the World and my staff during the Amanda Dowler investigation
(I have deliberately limited my contact with Surrey Police pending
current investigations) so cannot comment on the specifics of this
issue.
Now: Knighted in 2010, Sir Denis O'Connor is currently Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Constabulary.
And STILL there are inconsistencies emerging on the hacking of Millie
Dowler. Note the investigation of Maria Woodall "rested on her actions
and knowledge in 2007, when the first phone hacking convictions took
place. It is clear that at that point she accessed the HOLMES system to
view documents from 2002 associated with phone hacking."
Yet it is debatable just how much documentation was on the second
generation HOLMES (Home Office Large Major Enquiry System) in 2002... or
even in 2007. The - redacted - Sussex Review of September 2002 made
Operational Recommendations:
Recommendation 56
That Surrey Police in general ensure that sufficient analysts are trained on the HOLMES 2 system.
Recommendation 57
That Surrey Police formulate an appropriate policy regarding the typing
of at least the most significant 'other documents' onto HOLMES 2 during
any enquiry.
Were those Sussex Police recommendations ignored? Or if significant 2002
Dowler phone hacking documents were in the HOLMES system, were they
still there when Woodall looked in 2007? Had some disappeared by the
time of the 2012 Operation Baronet? Given that one of the aims of
HOLMES is to facilitate crucial information access across force
boundaries, was cross-force access to HOLMES 2002 documents volunteered
by Surrey to Operation Caryatid (the MET 2005-6 investigation into
Goodman and Mulcaire)? If not, why not? Alternatively - following the
high profile convictions of Goodman and Mulcaire in 2007 - Woodall may
have tried to access cross-force MET HOLMES databases on NOTW phone
hacking.
There were none. The MET did not enter details of the key Mulcaire
Archive into HOLMES during the Operation Caryatid investigation in 2005.
Or 2006. Or post-conviction in 2007. It was only in July 2009,
following intense criticism, that the MET's John Yates ordered the phone
hacking data entry into HOLMES to enable victim notification. It was
costly, protracted, and poorly executed.
The IPCC confirms "widespread knowledge uncovered in this investigation,
we consider that it is scarcely credible that no one connected to the
Milly Dowler investigation recognised the relevance and importance of
the knowledge that Surrey Police had in 2002...There is no doubt, from
our investigation and the evidence gathered by Operation Baronet, that
Surrey Police knew in 2002 of the allegation that Milly Dowler’s phone
had been hacked by the News of the World. It is apparent from the
evidence that there was knowledge of this at all levels within the
investigation team ...former senior officers in particular appear to
have been afflicted by a form of collective amnesia about this"
All this is highly reminiscent of the (contagious?) 'omerta' culture at
the News of the World. Surrey Police seem to have demonstrated the
self-same collective amnesia and willful blindness of NOTW senior
executives, the plausible deniability of Andy Coulson, the trusting
reliance on subordinates of Rupert Murdoch, the inability to read a
log/email chain of James Murdoch, the document preservation abilities of
News International's Datapool 3 team, and the reputational management
skills of Colin Myler.
To date, six have been charged
with conspiracy to intercept the voicemail messages of Millie Dowler in
April 2002 - Rebekah Brooks, Andrew Coulson, Stuart Kuttner, Greg
Miskiw, Neville Thurlbeck and Glenn Mulcaire. Unless all six defendants
plead guilty, these charges will have to be defended in open court. So
there is much more evidence yet to emerge on the Dowler hacking,
including the potential for former senior officers of Surrey Police
being called as prosecution witnesses.
The short IPCC Commissioner's Report is a much-truncated and redacted
version. The full IPCC formal Investigation Report "contains full
details of the evidence supporting the findings and conclusions and the
report into this case is not being published at this time at the request
of the Crown Prosecution Service, in view of ongoing criminal
proceedings."
