‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Society. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Society. إظهار كافة الرسائل

12/16/2013

Father demands 'one million likes' dowry for daughter Yemen Facebook

Father demands 'one million likes' dowry for daughter



A Yemeni young man who sought to marry his sweetheart was shocked when her father demanded “one million likes” on Facebook as a dowry for her.

The father, Salim Ayyash, asked the would-be husband he must write the word “like” one million times over a period of one month in all his tweets and contacts with friends on Facebook. But the father quickly assured the daunted young man, identified as Osama, that he might consider cutting that number before the end of the deadline.

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Ayyash, a well-known Facebook personality in the western Yemeni province of Taizz, also told the suitor that he would be watching his Facebook and Twitter activity to check whether he was making progress.
“Ayyash said he was watching Osama’s online activities as he set off to accomplish that dowry task



…he also told him that before the end of the month, he would evaluate his achievement and could reduce the dowry if he is satisfied with his achievement,” the Saud Arabic language daily Sada said in a report from Yemen.

It said the rare request by Ayyash came amidst soaring wedding expenses and dowries (money paid by grooms to their brides under Islamic law) in Yemen.
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6/06/2013

kiss inside a damaged public bus #Turkey

A young couple, who are anti-government protesters, kiss inside a damaged public bus, used as a barricade at Taksim Square in Istanbul. REUTERS/Yannis Behrakis

5/09/2013

Domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

 domestic violence in Saudi Arabia made headlines worldwide

Saudi Arabia, a country not exactly known for progressive attitudes toward women, has launched its first major campaign against domestic violence  — its latest effort to embrace, at least superficially, some women’s rights reforms.
The ads in the “No More Abuse” campaign show a woman in a dark veil with one black eye. The English version reads “some things can’t be covered.” The Arabic version, according to Foreign Policy‘s David Kenner, translates roughly as “the tip of the iceberg.” A Web site for the campaign includes a report on reducing domestic violence and emergency resources for victims.


Exact figures on domestic violence are hard to come by. The State Department’s most recent human rights report cites estimates that 16 to 50 percent of Saudi wives suffer some kind of spousal abuse. Saudi law does not criminalize domestic violence or spousal rape, and social repercussions can make reporting violence of any kind difficult. Both rape and domestic violence “may be seriously underreported,” according to the State Department report.


The Saudi government has begun to address the problem, at least in name. In 2008, a prime ministerial decree ordered the expansion of “social protection units,” its version of women’s shelters, in several large cities, and ordered the government to draft a national strategy to deal with domestic violence, according to the United Nations. Several royal foundations, including the King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue and the King Khalid Foundation, have also led education and awareness efforts.
None of this changes the fact, of course, that Saudi Arabia remains an often difficult place to be a woman. The World Economic Forum ranks the country 131st out of 135 for its record on women’s rights, citing a total lack of political and economic empowerment.
The country has a strong record on women’s health and education, however: On metrics such as enrollment in higher education, Saudi Arabia actually scores well above the global average.
Some of those well-educated women are leading the fight against domestic violence now. Maha Almuneef, a pediatrician, directs the National Family Safety Program, an anti-violence effort that has also benefited from the patronage of Saudi Arabia’s Princess Adela.
“Reporting violence and abuse should be compulsory, and there should be a witness protection program,” Adela said at a 2009 conference on ending the country’s domestic abus

4/16/2013

Did We Get the #Muslim_Brotherhood Wrong?

 


Nope. But it's time to revise our assessments. 


 The deterioration of Egyptian politics has spurred an intense, often vitriolic polarization between Islamists and their rivals that has increasingly spilled over into analytical disputes. Some principled liberalswho once supported the Muslim Brotherhood against the Mubarak regime's repression have recanted. Longtime critics of the Islamists view themselves as vindicated and demand that Americans, including me, apologize for getting the Brotherhood wrong. As one prominent Egyptian blogger recently put it, "are you ready to apologize for at least 5 years of promoting the MB as fluffy Democrats to everyone? ARE YOU?"

 

So, should we apologize? Did we get the Brotherhood wrong? Not really. The academic consensus about the Brotherhood got most of the big things right about that organization ... at least as it existed prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution. U.S. analysists and academics correctly identified the major strands in its ideological development and internal factional struggles, its electoral prowess, its conflicts with al Qaeda and hard-line Salafis, and the tension between its democratic ambitions and its illiberal aspirations. And liberals who defended the Brotherhood against the Mubarak regime's torture and repression were unquestionably right to do so -- indeed, I would regard defending the human rights and political participation of a group with which one disagrees as a litmus test for liberalism.
But getting the pre-2011 period right doesn't let us off the hook for what has come since. How one felt about questions of the Brotherhood's ability to be democratic in the past has nothing to do with the urgency of holding it to those commitments today. Giving the group the chance to participate fully in the democratic process does not mean giving it a pass on bad behavior once it is in power -- or letting it off the hook for abuses of pluralism, tolerance, or universal values.  That's why I would like to see Egypt's electoral process continue, and for the Brotherhood to be punished at the ballot box for their manifest failures.
So what did we say about the Brotherhood, and what did they get wrong or right? I wouldn't presume to speak for a diverse academic community that disagrees about many important things, but some broad themes do emerge from a decade of literature. For one, most academics viewed the Brotherhood of the 2000s as a democratic actor but not a liberal one. That's an important distinction. By the late 2000s, the Brotherhood had a nearly two-decade track record of participation in national, professional, and student elections. It had developed an elaborate ideological justification for not just the acceptability but the necessity of democratic procedure. When it lost elections, such as in the professional associations, it peacefully surrendered power (and, ironically given current debates, it was willing to boycott when it saw the rules stacked against it). By 2007, it seemed to me that there was nothing more the Brotherhood could have done to demonstrate its commitment to democratic procedures in the absence of the actual opportunity to win elections and govern. I think that was right.
And of course it had developed a well-honed electoral machine ready for use whenever the opportunity presented itself.  Nobody in the academic community doubted that the Brotherhood would do well in the first wave of elections. Academics also pegged public support for the Brotherhood at about 20 percent, not far off the 25 percent Mohammed Morsy managed in the first round of the presidential election. They correctly identified the organizational advantages the Brotherhood would have in early elections, which would allow them to significantly overperform that baseline of support against new, less-organized opponents.
The Brotherhood's commitment to democratic procedures never really translated into a commitment to democratic or liberal norms, however. It always struggled with the obvious tension between its commitment to sharia (Islamic law) and its participation in democratic elections. Not being able to win allowed the Brothers to avoid confronting this yawning gap, even if they frequently found themselves enmeshed in public controversies over their true intentions -- for instance, with the release of a draft political party platform in 2007 that hinted at the creation of a state committee to review legislation for compliance with sharia and a rejection of a female or non-Muslim president.  As for liberalism, nobody ever doubted the obvious point that this was an Islamist movement with deeply socially conservative values and priorities. The real question was over their willingness to tolerate different points of view -- and there, deep skepticism remained the rule across the academic community.

4/13/2013

سقوط الدولة المصرية: غياب قواعد اللعبة السياسية

من ساعة 25 يناير 2011 لم أرى أي فصيل سياسي في مصر يتحدث عن وضع قواد أساسية و واضحة و بسيطة تكون أساس إعادة بناء النظام السياسي في مصر.
 
القواعد دي غير تقديمها، كان لازم يبقى عليها إجماع... تكون مجموعة مبادئ لا يتنازع عليها أي فصيل سياسي: ليبرالي، إسلامي/ديني، يساري، إلخ
من الأمثلة في التاريخ هو إعلان الإستقلال الأمريكي. كان إعلان إستقلال لكنه كان إعلان مبادئ. الإعلان كان لا يزيد على صفحة وحدة.
الوقت بين إعلان الإستقلال لحد وضع الدستور الأمريكي كان 11 سنة!في هذه الأثناء كان إعلان الإستقلال ومبادئه هم قواعد اللعبة السياسية في امريكا.
الليبرالية لايمكنها تقديم أي حلول لولم يكن هناك قواعد واضحة حتى وإن كانت أقل من المستوى لئن اللمنهج الليبرالي يعتمد على البناء و التصحيح.
 
 
 
 
لكن مصر في السنتين إلي فاتوا و بالذات الفترة الأخيرة تفتقد لأي معالم واضحة و مطبقة تعطي ضمانات و تطمينات لكل الأطراف السياسية.
 
 
و الأسباب معروفة... فالإخوان تغطرسوا و ابعدوا الأخر و شكلوا قواعد اللعبة و غيروها على أهوائهم كما تطورت الأحداث.
 
هم كدة فاكرين انهم على طريق النجاح... لكن اللي مش فهمينه إنه لا يمكنهم تحقيق حتى اهدافهم الضيقة من غير قواعد واضحة مطبقة بحياد على الجميع.
 
و عشان كدة اسلوبهم و منهجهم لن يخلق إلا نظام مهلهل ساقط كالوضع في باكستان.
 
ما يحدث في مصر هو انها ما بقتش دولة قانون... لكنها دولة ساقطة... Failed State... أو على طريقها لذلك.
 

تعرف على الليبرالية في ٣ دقائق: جشع التجار و غلو الأسعار

معنى حرية التبادل و إن أي التبادل طالما حر لازم يكون إيجابي المجموع و ليس صفر المجموع (أي إن كلا من المتبادلين يحسنوا من وضعهم وليس واحد فقط على حساب الأخر). حلقة إليوم بوضح فيها الأسباب العديدة غير جشع التجار و المنتجين اللي تؤدي إلى غلو الأسعار. الإعتقاد إن الجشع هو السبب الأوحد أو الأساسي لغلو الأسعار فكرة مغلوطة بل هي خطر عل الإقتصاد


الحشيش بكام

موقع مخصص لتقديم أحدث أسعار الحشيش وأماكن البيع يوميا».. هكذا يعرف القائمون

 على الموقع الإلكتروني،



«الحشيش بكام؟» موقعهم، حيث إن الهدف من إنشاء الموقع أن يقدم متابعة لأسعار

الحشيش من خلال التواصل عبر موقعي

«فيس بوك» و«تويتر»،

 حيث وصل عدد المعجبين بصفحته على «فيس بوك» إلى 1364 شخصا،

 ومتابعوه على «تويتر»

وصلوا إلى 401 متابع
الغريب ان وزارو الاتصالات الى كانت عايز تحجب المواقع الجنسية سايبة الموقع دة وغيرة من المواقع المشبوة والى من السهل تتباعة ومعرفة المسئول عن الموقع و القبض علية, ولحد علمى ان الحشيش غير قانوانى فى مصر يعنى احنا مش فى هولاند لسة 

4/12/2013

Sleeping with the Enemy

What happened between the Neanderthals and us?


The Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, in Leipzig, is a large, mostly glass building shaped a bit like a banana. The institute sits at the southern edge of the city, in a neighborhood that still very much bears the stamp of its East German past. If you walk down the street in one direction, you come to a block of Soviet-style apartment buildings; in the other, to a huge hall with a golden steeple, which used to be known as the Soviet Pavilion. (The pavilion is now empty.) In the lobby of the institute there’s a cafeteria and an exhibit on great apes. A TV in the cafeteria plays a live feed of the orangutans at the Leipzig Zoo.
Svante Pääbo heads the institute’s department of evolutionary genetics. He is tall and lanky, with a long face, a narrow chin, and bushy eyebrows, which he often raises to emphasize some sort of irony. Pääbo’s office is dominated by a life-size model of a Neanderthal skeleton, propped up so that its feet dangle over the floor, and by a larger-than-life-size portrait that his graduate students presented to him on his fiftieth birthday. Each of the students painted a piece of the portrait, the over-all effect of which is a surprisingly good likeness of Pääbo, but in mismatched colors that make it look as if he had a skin disease.
At any given moment, Pääbo has at least half a dozen research efforts in progress. When I visited him in May, he had one team analyzing DNA that had been obtained from a forty- or fifty-thousand-year-old finger bone found in Siberia, and another trying to extract DNA from a cache of equally ancient bones from China. A third team was slicing open the brains of mice that had been genetically engineered to produce a human protein.
In Pääbo’s mind, at least, these research efforts all hang together. They are attempts to solve a single problem in evolutionary genetics, which might, rather dizzyingly, be posed as: What made us the sort of animal that could create a transgenic mouse?
The question of what defines the human has, of course, been kicking around since Socrates, and probably a lot longer. If it has yet to be satisfactorily resolved, then this, Pääbo suspects, is because it has never been properly framed. “The challenge is to address the questions that are answerable,” he told me.
Pääbo’s most ambitious project to date, which he has assembled an international consortium to assist him with, is an attempt to sequence the entire genome of the Neanderthal. The project is about halfway complete and has already yielded some unsettling results, including the news, announced by Pääbo last year, that modern humans, before doing in the Neanderthals, must have interbred with them.
Once the Neanderthal genome is complete, scientists will be able to lay it gene by gene—indeed, base by base—against the human, and see where they diverge. At that point, Pääbo believes, an answer to the age-old question will finally be at hand. Neanderthals were very closely related to modern humans—so closely that we shared our prehistoric beds with them—and yet clearly they were not humans. Somewhere among the genetic disparities must lie the mutation or, more probably, mutations that define us. Pääbo already has a team scanning the two genomes, drawing up lists of likely candidates.
“I want to know what changed in fully modern humans, compared with Neanderthals, that made a difference,” he said. “What made it possible for us to build up these enormous societies, and spread around the globe, and develop the technology that I think no one can doubt is unique to humans. There has to be a genetic basis for that, and it is hiding somewhere in these lists.”
Pääbo, who is now fifty-six, grew up in Stockholm. His mother, a chemist, was an Estonian refugee. For a time, she worked in the laboratory of a biochemist named Sune Bergström, who later won a Nobel Prize. Pääbo was the product of a lab affair between the two, and, although he knew who his father was, he wasn’t supposed to discuss it. Bergström had a wife and another son; Pääbo’s mother, meanwhile, never married. Every Saturday, Bergström would visit Pääbo and take him for a walk in the woods, or somewhere else where he didn’t think he’d be recognized.
“Officially, at home, he worked on Saturday,” Pääbo told me. “It was really crazy. His wife knew. But they never talked about it. She never tried to call him at work on Saturdays.” As a child, Pääbo wasn’t particularly bothered by the whole arrangement; later, he occasionally threatened to knock on Bergström’s door. “I would say, ‘You have to tell your son—your other son—because he will find out sometime,’ ” he recalled. Bergström would promise to do this, but never followed through. (As a result, Bergström’s other son did not learn that Pääbo existed until shortly before Bergström’s death, in 2004.)
From an early age, Pääbo was interested in old things. He discovered that around fallen trees it was sometimes possible to find bits of pottery made by prehistoric Swedes, and he filled his room with potsherds. When he was a teen-ager, his mother took him to visit the Pyramids, and he was entranced. He enrolled at Uppsala University, planning to become an Egyptologist.

4/04/2013

الصور التي لا تريد السعودية للعالم رؤيتها.. تقرير حول هدم #السعودية أقدس الآثار الإسلامية في مكة

تحت عنوان "الصور التي لا تريد السعودية للعالم رؤيتها وأدلة على هدم أقدس الآثار الاسلامية في مكة"، نشرت صحيفة "الاندبندنت" البريطانية تحقيقاً أرفقته بثلاث صور قالت فيه "بدأت السلطات السعودية بهدم بعض أقدم الاقسام في اكثر مساجد الاسلام اهمية، وذلك في إطار عملية توسيع للكعبة مثيرة للجدل تقدر كلفتها بمليارات الدولارات." وحصلت الصحيفة على صور يظهر فيها عمال ومعهم حفارات آلية وقد بدأوا بهدم بعض أجزاء من آثار تعود للدولتين العثمانية والعباسية في الجانب الشرقي من المسجد الحرام في مكة المكرمة. واشارت الصحيفة الى أن المبنى الذي يعرف ايضا باسم المسجد الكبير، هو أهم المواقع المقدسة في الاسلام لضمه الكعبة، القبلة التي يتوجه اليها جميع المسلمين في صلاتهم. والأعمدة هي آخر ما تبقى من أقسام المسجد التي تعود الى مئات السنين ، وتشكل المحيط الداخلي على مشارف الارض الرخامية البيضاء المحيطة بالكعبة. وحسب الصحيفة، أثارت الصور التي التقطت على مدى الأسابيع القليلة الماضية رعب علماء الآثار، كما تزامن نشرها مع زيارة ولي العهد البريطاني الأمير تشارلز الحريص على الحفاظ على التراث المعماري، إلى المملكة العربية السعودية ترافقه زوجته كاميلا دوقة كورنوول. واثار توقيت زيارة الامير البريطاني تنديدا من قبل نشطاء حقوق الإنسان السعوديين بعد اعدام السلطات السعودية 7 اشخاص في وقت سابق من هذا الاسبوع رغم حقيقة أن بعضهم كانوا أحداثا عند ارتكابهم الجرائم المدانين فيها. وقد حفرت العديد من الأعمدة العثمانية والعباسية في مكة المكرمة بالخط العربي وحملت أسماء صحابة النبي محمد ومؤرخة لحظات مهمة في حياة نبي الإسلام. ويؤرخ احد الاعمدة التي يعتقد أنه هدم بالكامل، لمعراج النبي محمد (ص) الى السماء في ليلة القدر، حسبما نقله موقع "بي بي سي".

3/18/2013

Homeland security bans “Jews of #Egypt ”

Homeland security bans “Jews of #Egypt ”

Do You remember that documentary “Jews of Egypt” ??
This ambitious interesting documentary was going to be the second Egyptian documentary to be screened commercially in Egyptian selected cinemas. Its official release was supposed to be tonight but just as we are waiting for its release we found out that it was banned.



  Yes it was banned from screening in Egypt officially despite it was approved by the Censorship bureau following the ministry of Culture. The film was banned by the Homeland Security previously known as State security.
The documentary film maker Amir Ramsis spoke about the matter on his Facebook page.
Ramsis' FB Page
The film’s producer Haitham Khamis also showed the approvals of the Censorship bureau on his Facebook page as well.
Here is the documentary’s English trailer. 


“Jews of Egypt” trailer
I think Ramsis should air the documentary on TV channels for free , let the whole world watches it.
By the way ironically at the same time we found out that the Muslim brotherhood got a film production company called “Cinema Al Nahda” and it is going to screen its first production ever “The Report” { a social drama} in the Arts academy !! The Arts academy is owned by the State.

#egypt #Giza Pyramids celebrate #St.Patrick’s Day

#Giza Pyramids celebrate #St.Patrick’s Day

The Embassy of Ireland in Cairo celebrated the St. Patrick's Day , the National Day of Ireland last Thursday in a very creative way. The pyramids and Sphinx turned green that night :)
Of course our tourism board and our media were busy in something else as usual.

3/08/2013

EgyWeather : Sandstorm alert

EgyptWeather : Sandstorm alert

And today we are having not so nice sandstorm in several cities in Egypt. Among the cities that got its share from the terrible sandstorm in Egypt today : Cairo, Zagzig, Fayoum, Suez "Canal city" and Ras Ghareb and Hurghada  "Red sea".
The main ports in Suez city and red sea have been closed.
Here is a photo for how Cairo looks today from Gregg Carlstorm's hotel window

It is extremely terrible especially for me , my nose is blocked and eyes are hurting me. It is the typical
I think this bad weather will affect the usual protesting activities in Cairo today. .