‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات OccupyEgypt. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات OccupyEgypt. إظهار كافة الرسائل

4/02/2013

Jon Stewart defends Bassem Youssef (Egypt's Jon Stewart); Destroys Pres. Morsi

أنا لا أفهم هذا الرجل .. أنت رئيس مصر.. أعظم أرض وأعظم شعب في التاريخ المدون، شعبك -سيدي الرئيس- اخترع الحضارة، حتى أن اليونانيين القدماء حين ذهبوا إلى مصر ذهلوا وقالوا: ماذا عندكم هنا؟ علم الهندسة والأساطير؟ عندما تفرغون منهما يمكننا استخدامهما، سيدي الرئيس لقد اخترع المصريون اللغة المكتوبة والورق ومعجون الأسنان، حتى إنهم دفنوا مع قططهم الأليفة، كذلك أصبح الكثيرون يقلدون الطريقة المصرية في الرقص، المصريون هم من بنوا الأهرامات.. ربما يجب عليك أن تأتي بأحد هؤلاء كي يجعل جلدك أكثر سمكاً (جلد إخوانجي تخين).. كل مافعله باسم يوسف هو السخرية من قبعتك وعدم قدرتك على الأداء الديمقراطي، ما الذي يقلقك؟ أنت رئيس مصر، ولديك جيش وأسلحة ودبابات وطائرات، ونحن نعلم ذلك لأن مازال لدينا الفواتير، انصت لي جيدا، محاولة إسكات كوميديان لن تؤهلك كي تصبح رئيس مصر، دعني أقول لك شيئا: مالذي يقلقك سيدي الرئيس؟ خوفك من قوة النقد الساخر على هيبتك؟ انظر إلى.. هذا ما أفعله في الـ 15 عام الماضيين، أنا أعرف باسم شخصيا، وهو صديقي وأخي، وإن كان هناك شيئان يحبهما باسم جدا فهما مصر والإسلام

3/15/2013

Baha’i in #egypt



January 2013- Despite the new year, Egyptian Minister of Education Ibrahim Deif reiterated his old comments about the (lack of) acceptance of Baha’i children in Egyptian government schools in an interview with the Egyptian newspaper “Al Akhbar al Yowm”.
The newspaper asked:
ما موقف الوزارة من أبناء من يعتنقون الديانة البهائية, و هل لهم الحق في الالتحاق بمدارسها بعد اعتراف الدستور الجديد بالديانات السماوية الثلاث فقط؟
What is the position of the Ministry regarding the children of Baha’is, and do they have the right to register in government schools after the recognition in the new constitution of only the three monotheistic religions (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism)?
The Minister of Education, Ibrahim Deif, replied:
 هناك ديانات ثلاث معترف بها، و لن أعتزف بأي ديانة أجري، والتربية الديانية مادة اساسية و إذا استطاعوا استيفاء شروط الالتحاق بالمدارس فأهلا و سهلا بهم، و من لا يرضي بشروطي فلا مكان له عندي لأن الديانات المعترف بها دستوريا هي الديانات السماوية الثلاث فقط ولم يعترف بسواها
[The monotheistic faiths] are only three recognized religions, and no other faiths are recognized.  Religion is a crucial subject in school, and if [a student] is able to full the conditions of enrollment in government schools, then they are welcome. However, there is no place for anyone who does not accept these conditions because the only constitutionally recognized religions are the monotheistic faiths, and no others.
If readers find the tautologically confusing and meaningless response of the Minister of Education frustrating, then so do many others. Professor Basma Moussa, a Baha’i activist in Egypt, has a response of her own to the Egyptian Minister:
I have a question for the Minister. What are these conditions that are required for a Baha’i child to enroll in a public school, a school that we all used to attend without conditions, a school from which we succeeded and went on to hold prominent positions that serve our dear country, Egypt?  According to the new constitution itself, education is the right of every child, so please tell us, what are your conditions for an education so that Baha’i parents can figure out how to enroll their children in Egyptian schools, school that are built from the taxes that are taken from us, like they are taken from all Egyptians without discrimination. Please respond, thank you.
The Minister of Education’s remarks are an echo of his comments to another newspaper on November 30th, where he claimed “State law in accordance with government procedures only recognizes three religions, and the Baha’i faith is not among them. Thus their children do not have the right to register in government schools.” His new comments add unidentified “conditions” to the enrollment of Baha’i children in school, which is in fact more dangerous than closing the door entirely.
By claiming that there is a vague method for inclusion, the Egyptian government has the ability to discriminate against Baha’i children and the entire Baha’i community while claiming that there is nothing inherently discriminatory about their laws. Just like the new constitution affirms that “Freedom of belief is an inviolable right” while denying the legitimacy of any faith other than Islam, Christianity, or Judaism, the Minister of Education’s comments pave the way for a discriminatory policy against Baha’is that is given constitutional legitimacy.

3/09/2013

‫خلفان - تم تهديدى من #الإخوان بعد كشفى عن تجارة الشاطر للمخدرات‬



3/06/2013

Egypt book blasts Brotherhood, becomes best-seller

#Egypt Egyptian book blasts Muslim Brotherhood and becomes a best-seller

 
An Egyptian lawyer whose dissenting voice got him thrown out of the Muslim Brotherhood examines what he calls the group's hidden radicalism in a book that has become a best-seller in Cairo.
Tharwat al-Khirbawy's "Secret of the Temple" has been dismissed by Brotherhood leaders as part of a smear campaign.
But its success points to a deep mistrust harboured by some Egyptians towards a once-outlawed movement that has moved to the heart of power since Hosni Mubarak was toppled and its candidate secured the presidency.
In its 12th print run since November, the book is being sold in upmarket shops and on street corners, pointing to a thirst for information about a group whose inner workings remain a mystery months after President Mohamed Mursi came to power.
Expelled from the group a decade ago, Khirbawy says he aims to expose dictatorship and extremism inside the Brotherhood. In the process, he has joined a media war being waged to shape views in Egypt's deeply polarised political landscape.
Asked to comment on the book, one senior Muslim Brotherhood leader dismissed its content as "fallacies". Another said that to comment on such a book would be a waste of time.
"I want to make all people know the reality about the Brotherhood," Khirbawy said in an interview with Reuters.
Khirbawy sees the way he was kicked out of the Brotherhood as an illustration of the group's authoritarian streak.
He was disciplined in 2001 at a "Brotherhood court" for publishing three articles that criticised the group for not engaging with other opposition parties - a criticism still levelled at the Brotherhood today. "The Brotherhood does not know the virtue of differences of opinion," he said.
Demonised for decades by Egypt's military-backed autocracy, the Brotherhood sees such attacks as propaganda concocted by opponents who have struggled to get organised and carve out their place in the new order.
But Khirbawy's arguments resonate among those Egyptians who believe the Brotherhood aims to subvert new freedoms for their own ends to set up a new Islamist autocracy - a view hardened late last year when Mursi unilaterally expanded his powers.
MURSI DEFENDS QUTB
Khirbawy has been extensively interviewed by independent Egyptian media that are broadly critical of the Brotherhood.
In his book, he explores the ideology of Mursi and the small group of leaders at the top of the movement, examining their devotion to Sayyid Qutb, a radical ideologue executed in 1966 for plotting to kill president Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Qutb, a Brotherhood leader, formulated some of the most radical ideas in political Islam. These included the idea that modern-day Muslim societies were living in a pre-Islamic state of ignorance. His most radical work, written while he was in prison, advocated violence to bring about change.
Mursi is on the record as defending Qutb as a thinker "who liberates the mind and touches the heart". In a 2009 talk show appearance posted on YouTube last year, Mursi said Qutb "finds the real vision of Islam that we are looking for".
Among Brotherhood watchers, it is no secret that the Brotherhood's current leadership were heavily influenced by Qutb, who also wrote more broadly on Islam.
But "trying to give the impression that Mursi is a Qutbist is an exaggeration" said Khalil al-Anani, an expert on Islamist movements. "Yes they are influenced by him in terms of the purity of ideas, but not in terms of believing in violence or judging people as non-believers," he said.
Brotherhood spokesman Ahmed Aref said the movement, like all groups, had rules that must be respected, adding that it was not the first time a member had left over the years and spoken out. "The difference this time is the media," he said.
A well-oiled campaign machine and grass-roots support base helped the Brotherhood sweep the first post-Mubarak parliamentary vote at the end of 2011, but the assembly was disbanded in June when Egypt's highest court declared the election rules unconstitutional.
Suspicion that the Brotherhood plans to dominate Egypt means the group may find it harder to win votes as fresh parliamentary elections near.
"They don't have people who can explain themselves in a good way, particularly those who talk to the Egyptian public," said Anani. "There is a huge gap of mistrust."
(Writing by Tom Perry; Editing by Tom Pfeiffer)

2/25/2013

#egypt Where Am I Going? #Cartoon

2/20/2013

#egypt Danger in the Streets

Danger in the Streets
Egyptian Women Fight Public Sexual Harassment
Lately, women on the streets of Egypt have been under assault -- threatened by looks, by words and by physical attacks. As more Egyptian women claim the freedom and power to enter the public sphere, they are being confronted with a growing wave of public sexual harassment.
Image
Image
AP Photo/Ben Curtis
Protestors demonstrate against sexual attacks on women and the government's failure to investigate them, in downtown Cairo, Egypt on Thursday, November 9, 2006 
The Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights
The Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights' Campaign Poster reads: "Safety for everybody. When you catcall...what do you gain?
This trend gained a sudden worldwide audience in 2006, when amateur videos captured crowds of men surrounding and groping women during a religious festival. These videos were shared on the internet for the world to witness.
Targets are not confined to a specific group. Women of every age and class are targets of obscene behavior, even those who dress modestly in veils.
Experts put forth many explanations -- the explosion of easily available sexual material, lack of education about sex and sexuality and Egypt's economy. Due to the high cost of living, couples are forced to wait to marry until later in life, leading, some say, to rising sexual frustration in a portion of the male population.
Whatever the cause, women are afraid to report the harassment to police, worried that they will be ignored, or worse, blamed for their attacks.
The Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights has declared this "a social cancer." Their campaign against public sexual harassment is fighting to enforce existing laws protecting women, create new legislation, and break the silence around this taboo subject.
I.M.O.W. spoke to Engy Ghozlan, Project Coordinator for the Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights.

How did you become involved in the campaign against sexual harassment?
You hear comments on the street like: "You belong to the house." "You shouldn't be on the street." It took me years to recognize that the depression I was having whenever I walked on the street was because I was not acting, I was just silent.
For me, it was an issue that I'm not going to be a victim of any sexual violence against me anymore. I felt that it's the time to move from being a victim to being one who helps others and helps herself to actually survive everyday on the street. I might not be able to stop it by myself but at least talking about it actually gave me the power to feel that I don't have to feel sad anymore, I know that I am doing something, and this is enough for me until I reach the day I can see legislation that can protect me and other girls on the street.
Does the sexual harassment occur in a variety of settings? It's on the street -- but is it also in homes and schools?
Yes, it happens in houses, it happens in schools and universities, it happens, of course, in the workplace. Girls who have to work in shops or restaurants, the owners use them sexually. They are sure that she can't leave, and she can't go and tell anyone because it is her reputation that she'll be hurting.
Girls sometimes face sexual harassment on the street. If they stopped and told the guy, "Don't do this!" or "You're attacking me!"--sometimes people on the street don't support a girl-- they actually blame her.
In Egypt, if a girl goes to a police station, people start gossiping about her. So girls can't go to the police, girls can't talk about it. Our first idea was to break the silence and let girls start talking.
Is it hard to do this in a culture where there's not a lot of conversation about sexuality in general?
At the time the campaign started, talking about sexual harassment or anything with a sexual nature was a taboo. There was this denial from girls, they said they didn't experience it, but when you talked to them a little bit away from sexual words, they started writing, and what they wrote was horrible.
We were really happy that, finally, people were talking about something that related to their sexuality or to their bodies. We found lots of girls who were blaming themselves for the issue. The girls thought that the reason they were getting harassed was because of their bodies and because their bodies were beautiful, whether they wore a veil or covered their faces or not.
Part of your campaign is to target both sides; you try to raise awareness among young men as well as women. Have you seen changes in the men you've worked with?
When you ask the question "Why do you sexually harass?" you get a very stupid answer from guys. They have this idea that girls like to be sexually harassed, at least verbally, because it gives them the impression that they are nice, they are beautiful, and guys think this is something that girls actually like.
But now, some of them say: "I think of my sister, I think of my mom. What if my mom was walking on the street and someone touched her? I would feel hurt, I would feel scared for her. I would feel I wanted to protect her. And maybe, thinking the other way, if I imagine that any woman on the street could be someone in my family, that would actually make me change."
For people who practice something like this for many years, just raising awareness is not enough to change their behavior. You need to change the circumstances around that behavior. The circumstance that is in our hands is to change legislation.
The economic situation that would allow men to get married sooner and actually start a life, to allow guys to find jobs and find themselves and have potential is not something that I can guarantee in the short term. What I can say is that if we had legislation along with a change in the economic and social situation, maybe one day soon we will see a change in the behavior.

2/13/2013

The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi



On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.
However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 
To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.
The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.
The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.
Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.
The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.
The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.
Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.
Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.
Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.
Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

2/06/2013

مسيرة الشارع لنا #مصر #التحرير #egypt Protesters condemn the sexual harassment of female protesters and security force violence

مسيرة جديدة ضد التحرش ببنات مصر
The women of Egypt have said their word: Patience has limits!
The women of Egypt raise their knives during the "Street is Ours" march yesterday against Sexual Harassment/Assault in Egyptian streets
Op Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault قوة ضد التحرش/الإعتداء الجنسي الجماعي HarassMap خريطة التحرش الجنسي


Op Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault قوة ضد التحرش/الإعتداء الجنسي الجماعي


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 أم كلثوم ترفع سكّينها 



















2/02/2013

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration


  • Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
  • Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
  • Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
  • Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president



Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.
They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.
It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.
Scroll down for video
Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.
Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'
But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.
Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.
'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.
Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.
A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.
Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.
Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.
In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.
While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.
Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.
Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'
The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.
'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 
Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.
Face-off: Some protestors yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head
Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year
Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.
Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.
'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.
Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.
The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.
Imprisonment: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Squareon Friday
A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday
If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.
Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.
Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".
The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.
Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.
The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.
The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.
The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.
Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.
Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.

1/29/2013

#البلاك_بلوك #مصر black block #egypt

الوطن | ملفات تفاعلية | بلاك بلوك .. عندما تتحرك "الأقنعة السوداء" ضد الشرطة <!-- BEGIN EFFECTIVE MEASURE CODE

بلاك بلوك .. عندما تتحرك "الأقنعة السوداء" ضد الشرطة



















 

بلاك بلوك (بالانجليزية: Black Bloc) وهي تعني الكتلة السوداء ، هو تكتيك للمظاهرات والمسيرات يرتدى فيه الأفراد الملابس السوداء والأوشحة والنظارات والأقنعة وخوذات الدراجات النارية المبطنة أو غيرها من الأشياء التى تحمى و تخفى الوجه . وتستخدم الملابس لإخفاء هويات المشاركين في المسيرة ، و تسمح لهم أن يبدون وكأنهم كتلة موحدة كبيرة ، و تعزز التضامن بين الأفراد .
 

و لقد نما هذا التكتيك في 1980 في احتجاجات حركات الإستقلال الذاتى الأوروبية ضد عمليات إخلاء وضع اليد ، وسياسات الطاقة النووية وفرض قيود على الإجهاض إلى جانب أمور أخرى . اكتسبت الكتل السوداء اهتمام أوسع من وسائل الإعلام خارج أوروبا خلال المظاهرات المناهضة لمنظمة التجارة العالمية عام 1999 ، عندما أتلفت كتلة سوداء ممتلكات محلات الملابس (جاب) (GAP)، و(أولد نيفى) (Old Navy) ، وستاربكس وغيرها من مواقع البيع بالتجزئة متعددة الجنسيات في وسط مدينة سياتل .

البلاك بلوك نشأت و عرفت أساساً فى ألمانيا تحت إسم "Schwarzer Block" و كان ظهورهم فى الثمانينات من القرن الماضى و قد إرتبطت جماعات البلاك بلوك عادةً بأعمال الشغب و المظاهرات كما حدث فى ألمانيا و كذلك فى إيطاليا فى الأحداث التى إستمرت من يوم الخميس 19 يوليو حتى الأحد 22 يوليو ، 2001 . أثناء إنعقاد مجموعة الثمانية أو مجموعة الدول الصناعية الثمانية G8 فى جينوفا فى إيطاليا .


وقد نما هذا التكتيك بعد زيادة استخدام قوات الشرطة بعد مظاهرة بروكدورف عام 1977 من قبل الشرطة الألمانية في عام 1980 ، التى كانت تستهدف على وجه الخصوص النشطاء المناهضين للاسلحة النووية وواضعي اليد على الأراضى و الممتلكات . وكانت المناطق الرئيسية لهذا النمو فى هافنستراب ، هامبورغ، وكروزبرج ، برلين . وقام هؤلاء المنشقين فى هذة المناطق بإحتلال المساحات الاجتماعية و فضلوا إنشاء مؤسسات اجتماعية خاصة بهم على أساس العيش المشترك والمراكز المجتمعية البديلة . في يونيو 1980 ، قامت الشرطة الألمانية بإخلاء "جمهورية وندلاند الحرة" بالقوة ، وهو معسكر احتجاج ضد الطاقة النووية في جورلبين ، وندلاند . أدى هذا الهجوم على 5000 من المتظاهرين السلميين أن أصبح العديد من دعاة السلام السابقين على إستعداد لإستخدام الأساليب العنيفة . بقدوم شهر ديسمبر من عام 1980 ، نظمت حكومة مدينة برلين سلسلة متصاعدة من الإعتقالات الجماعية ، تلتها حملات مماثلة من السلطات المحلية الأخرى في جميع أنحاء ألمانيا الغربية . قاوم واضعي اليد ذلك من خلال وضع اليد على مساحات جديدة ، عندما تم طردهم من القديمة . بعد حملة الإعتقال الجماعية لواضعي اليد في فرايبورغ ، نُظمت مظاهرات لدعمهم في العديد من المدن الألمانية . و قد أطلق علي هذا اليوم اسم الجمعة السوداء عقب مظاهرة في برلين نزل فبها بين 15,000 و 20,000 شخص إلى الشوارع ودمروا منطقة تسوق فاخرة . كان تكتيك لبس ثياب سوداء وأقنعة مماثلة يعني أن الإستقلالين كانوا أكثر قدرة على مقاومة الشرطة ومراوغة تحديد هويتهم . وأطلقت عليهم وسائل الإعلام الألمانية "دير شوارتز بلوك" "Der Schwarze Block" أو ("الكتلة السوداء") .

 

في عام 1986 ، قام واضعي اليد فى هامبورج بتعبئة هجمات لاحقة على هافنستراب . نزلت مظاهرة من 10,000 شخص إلى الشوارع محيطة ب1500 شخص على الأقل في كتلة سوداء . وحملوا لافتة كبيرة تقول "ابنى سلطة مزدوجة ثورية!" . في نهاية المسيرة ، شرعت الكتلة السوداء في قتال الشوارع مما أجبر الشرطة على التراجع . فى اليوم التالي تم إشعال النار 13 متجر في هامبورغ ، مما تسبب في ما يقرب من 10 مليون دولار أضرار . في وقت لاحق من ذلك العام ، في أعقاب كارثة تشيرنوبيل ، قام نشطاء مسلحين مناهضين للتكنولوجبا النووية بإستخدام هذا التكتيك .

في 1 مايو 1987 ، تعرض مهرجان الشعوب السلمية في برلين كروزبرج لهجوم من قبل الشرطة في ألمانيا الغربية . ونتيجة لهذا الهجوم غير المبرر ، هاجم آلاف من الناس الشرطة بالحجارة والزجاجات وقنابل المولوتوف . أصبحت أعمال الشغب هذة شهيرة بعد أن إضطرت الشرطة إلى الإنسحاب بشكل كامل من ما يسمى بحي "36 SO" في كروزبرج لعدة ساعات ، قام خلالها المشاغبين بنهب المتاجر جنبا إلى جنب مع السكان .

 

عندما جاء رونالد ريغان إلى برلين في يونيو 1987 ، تجمع فى إستقباله حوالي 50,000 متظاهر إحتجاجاً على سياساته الحرب الباردة وشملت هذه كتلة سوداء من 3000 شخص . وقبل مرور بضعة أشهر في وقت لاحق ، كثفت الشرطة مضايقاتها لواضعي اليد فى هافنستراب . في نوفمبر 1987 ، انضم للسكان آلاف من الإستقلالين الأخرين وقاموا بتحصين القرفصاء (وضع اليد على مكان) ، و بنوا متاريس في الشوارع ودافعوا عن أنفسهم ضد الشرطة لما يقرب من 24 ساعة . بعد هذا قامت سلطات المدينة بالتصديق على إقامة واضعي اليد .
 

في 1 مايو 1988 ، نظمت جماعات اليسار المتطرف مظاهرة عيد العمال خلال كروزبرج برلين ، التى أنتهت بأعمال شغب أفدح من العام السابق . وهاجم المتظاهرون الشرطة بكرات صلب أطلقوها بالمقاليع وبالحجارة والألعاب النارية وقنابل المولوتوف . في 2 مايو ، العنوان الرئيسي لصحيفة برلين B.Z. كان "!Beirut?? Nein, das ist Berlin" (بيروت؟ لا، إنها برلين!) . أخيراً ، أصبحت أعمال الشغب تقليداً في برلين كروزبرج ومنذ ذلك الوقت تكررت هذة المظاهرات كل سنة فى 1 مايو ولكنها لم تكن خطيرة كما في العامين الأولين . عندما اجتمع البنك الدولي وصندوق النقد الدولي في برلين عام 1988 ، حشد الإستقلاليون تجمع دولي للنشطاء المناهضين للرأسمالية . بوصول عدد المتظاهرين إلى حوالي 80,000 شخص ، كان عدد المحتجين أكبر بكثير من الشرطة . حاول المسؤولون الحفاظ على السيطرة من خلال حظر جميع المظاهرات ومهاجمة التجمعات العامة . ومع ذلك ، كانت هناك أعمال شغب ودمرت مناطق التسوق الراقية .

القرن الحادى و العشرون



 

في فترة ما بعد جدار برلين، واصلت حركة الكتلة السوداء الألمانية أعمال الشغب فى مواعيد معينة بشكل دورى مثل عيد العمال في برلين كروزبرج، ولكن مع تناقص حدة المظاهرات. وأصبح تركيز المظاهرات الرئيسي هو النضال ضد الشعبية المتواترة لتيارات النازية الجديدة في ألمانيا. جاء "الدور" في يونيو 2007، خلال قمة مجموعة الدول الصناعية الثمانية (G8) الثالثة و الثلاثون. فقامت كتلة سوداء من 2000 شخص قاموا ببناء حواجز وأضرموا النار فى السيارات وهاجموا الشرطة خلال مظاهرة جماهيرية في روستوك. وأصيب 400 رجل شرطة، وحوالي 500 متظاهر وناشط. وفقاً للمكتب الإتحادي لحماية الدستور الألماني، فإن أسابيع التنظيم قبل المظاهرة وأعمال الشغب نفسها تم تزكيتها بواسطة صحوة لليسار المتشدد في ألمانيا. منذ أحداث "معركة روستوك" وأيضاً منذ عام 2008 في هامبورغ ،أصبحت "أعمال شغب عيد العمال" الدورية بعد مظاهرات 1 مايو من كل سنة في برلين أكثر حدة، وتصاعد العنف بشكل كبير من الإستقلالين ضد ضباط الشرطة والأعداء السياسيين في مظاهرات مجموعات اليسار المتطرف.
النمو الدولي

كان أول استخدام مسجل للتكتيك في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية في عام 1989 في مظاهرة عند البنتاغون. كما إستخدام أيضاً في الولايات المتحدة مبكراً فى أحداث يوم الأرض فى وول ستريت عام 1990 واحتجاجات فبراير عام 1991 ضد حرب الخليج. وقد بدأت تلك الأنشطة من قبل إتحاد الحب والغضب الثوري الفوضوي ، وهو منظمة أناركية ثورية من منظمات أمريكا الشمالية النشطة في نيويورك. و اكتسبت الكتل السوداء اهتمام كبير فى وسائل الاعلام عندما تسببت كتلة سوداء في أضرار لممتلكات محلات الملابس (جاب) (GAP)، و(أولد نيفى) (Old Navy) ، وستاربكس، ومواقع البيع بالتجزئة الأخرى في وسط مدينة سياتل خلال المظاهرات المناهضة لمنظمة التجارة العالمية عام 1999. وكانوا صورة منتشرة فى الاحتجاجات المناهضة للعولمة التى لحقت ذلك. وخلال قمة الدول العشرون G20 عام 2010 في تورونتو، أضرت أعمال شغب قامت بها كتلة سوداء بعدد من مواقع البيع بالتجزئة بما في ذلك محلات Urban Outfitters "تجار الملابس في المناطق الحضرية"، و American Apparel "الكسوة الأمريكية" ، متاجر أديداس، وستاربكس ومؤسسات مصرفية عديدة.

 

وقامت مجموعة من نحو 400 فوضوي من الكتلة السوداء في الاحتجاج المناهض للتخفيضات فى 2011 فى لندن بهاجمة منافذ السلع الراقية و المباعة بالتجزئة. وحسب رواية الصحفي بول ماسون، قد يكون هذا أكبر تجمع لكتلة سوداء في المملكة المتحدة من أي وقت مضى. ميسون يقول أن بعض أعضاء الكتلة كانوا فوضويين من أوروبا، وآخرون كانوا طلاب بريطانيون نزعوا إلى التطرف بعد المشاركة في احتجاجات الطلاب 2010 في المملكة المتحدة.
ظهورها في مصر

في الذكرى الثانية للثورة المصرية، ظهرت الكتل السوداء في مشاهد السياسية المصرية حيث اعلنت صفحة "الكتلة الثورية السوداء Black Block" عن إنشاء تكتيك البلاك بلوك بالتزامن مع أحداث ثورة 25 يناير ، ولكن ظهرت بشكل تهديدات أكبر لتنظيم الإخوان المسلمون وللرئيس محمد مرسي في الذكرى الثانية ل ثورة 25 يناير عام 2013 . وورد فى الصحف أنهم قد هاجموا مقرات عديدة للإخوان والمباني حكومية وأوقفوا حركة المرور وخطوط المترو في أكثر من 8 مدن مصرية. وكانت المجموعات تتكون من أعداد من المتظاهرين الشباب، الذين عرفوا أنفسهم باسم "الكتلة السوداء"، وقاموا بعمل علامة فى الأذهان فى الذكرى السنوية الثانية للثورة المصرية عن طريق تعليق مسارات الترام في الإسكندرية يوم الجمعة.

وفقاً للأهرام أون لاين، أوقف عشرة أشخاص يرتدون أقنعة سوداء مسار الترام باستخدام الحواجز المرورية، وقاموا أيضاً بسد الطريق في ميدان القائد إبراهيم لتوقع حدوث إحتجاجات فيه.


إختراق الشرطة

قامت الشرطة والأجهزة الأمنية بإختراق الكتل السوداء بواسطة ضباط سريين. ولأن جميع الأعضاء كانوا يخفون هوياتهم، فكان من الصعب عليهم التعرف على المتسللين بينهم. ظهرت الدعاوى القضائية للمرة الاولى ضد الشرطة بعد عدة مظاهرات. في قمة مجموعة الدول الصناعية الثمانية G8 عام 2001 في جنوة، كان من بين العديد من الشكاوى المقدمة ضد الشرطة، ذِكر للقطات فيديو شوهد فيها " رجال فى لباس أسود يخروجون من عربات الشرطة قرب المسيرات الإحتجاجية." وفي أغسطس 2007، إعترفت شرطة الكيبك ان "ضباطهم يتخفون في هيئة المتظاهرين". في هذه المناسبات، تم تحديد بعضهم من قبل محتجين غير مزيقين بسبب أحذية الشرطة. وفي عام 2003 فى أوكلاند، قام قسم شرطة كاليفورنيا بالتسلل خلال مجموعة من المتظاهرين السلميين المناهضين للحرب في الميناء. و يقول نقيب شرطة أوكلاند هوارد جوردن : "أنت لا تحتاج إلى بعض المهارات الخاصة لكى تتسلل خلال تلك المجموعات. إثنين من ضباطنا تم إنتخابهم كقادة في غضون ساعة من انضمامهم للمجموعة. فإذا كنت قد وضعت عناصر أمنية فى المجموعة منذ البداية، أعتقد أننا سنكون قادرين على جمع المعلومات و ربما حتى توجيهم للقيام بشيء ما نريد منهم أن يفعلوه.

 

تكتيكات

تكتيكات الكتل السوداء يمكن أن تتضمن تدابير هجومية مثل قتال الشوارع و تخريب لممتلكات الشركات، وأعمال الشغب، والتظاهر بدون تصريح، ولكنها تتكون بشكل رئيسي من تكتيكات للدفاع مثل تضليل السلطات، والمساعدة في تهريب الأشخاص الذين يتم القبض عليهم من قبل الشرطة ("فك الإعتقال "أو" رد الإعتقال")، و تقديم الإسعافات الأولية للأشخاص المتضررين من الغاز المسيل للدموع والرصاص المطاطي وغيرها من التدابير لمكافحة الشغب في المناطق التي يمنع المتظاهرين من دخولها، وبناء المتاريس، ومقاومة الشرطة، وممارسة التضامن فى السجن. تدمير الممتلكات الذي تقوم به الكتل السوداء يميل إلى أن يكون ذو مغزى رمزي: و يشمل أهداف عامة مثل البنوك، والمباني المؤسسية، ومنافذ للشركات المتعددة الجنسيات، ومحطات البنزين، وكاميرات فيديو المراقبة.

قد يكون هناك العديد من الكتل السوداء داخل احتجاج معين، لهم أهداف وتكتيكات مختلفة. و هم كمجموعة تتخصص لغرض بعينه، فهم في كثير من الأحيان لا يجتمعون على مستوى العالم على مجموعة مشتركة من المبادئ أو معتقدات أبعد من الإلتصاق - فى العادة - بقيم اليسار المتشدد أو الراديكالي وقيم الإستقلالية، رغم أن بعض الجماعات الفوضوية دعت لتبنى مبادئ القديس بولس و إعتبارها الإطار الذي يمكن من خلاله نشر تكتيكات متنوعة. وهناك عدد قليل من المجموعات اليمينية المتشددة، مثل بعض "القوميين الإستقلاين" في أوروبا أو الفوضويون الوطنيون فى أستراليا، اتخذت أسلوب أو تكتيكات و لباس "الكتلة السوداء" فى مظاهراتها.
المصدر http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_bloc

 

http://world.time.com/2013/01/28/masked-black-bloc-a-mystery-in-egypt-unrest/

بلاك بلوك .. عندما تتحرك "الأقنعة السوداء" ضد الشرطة الجمعة 25-01-2013 19:45