‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Democracy. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Democracy. إظهار كافة الرسائل

1/13/2015

دول مين و دول مين 18+ free speech or free Insult!18


كراهية و عنصرية حتى النخاع ارهاب حرية الفكر 
دية مش اول كرتون لكن 
ة التانى دلوقتى كل الى عملتة انى قلبتة بس مش اكتر ركز بقى شوية فى صورة الوش و العمة!! هاة شايف اية ايوة عضو >كرى بس كدة 

اة مش اول مرة رسولك الكريم يترسم كرتون وسخ وانت بتتفرج على عرب ايدول و تقعد تحت البطانية وتدفى طيزك
الاخ مسلم ,سلفى , اخوانى,علمانى , ملحد
المهم تخاليك كول ومش ارهابى فى فكرك او داعشى اوعى اة لحسن تتلسع فى طيزك 
ومالة!!! بس حريتك تنتهى لم تدخل على حريتى فى معتقد و ايمانى وعدم احترامك وجهالك و المعرصينن يقولو حرية الراى والتعبير لا دة اسمة حرية الوقاحة  و الوساخة بلا حدود 
لية دلوقتى فرنسا تعمل كدة و مين المستفيد!!
يا ترى الاسلام استفد حاجة ! لا 
المسحيين استفدوا حاجة !! لا
الصهاينة اول مستفيد

 او خاليك فى صافيناز و الشلة و اوعى تفكر و تفتح عينك  

 انت جاى تستفز 3 مليار مسلم فى العالم فى الوقت الى الاسلام بتحارب حتى فى الدول العربية وانهيار اقوى دول عربية و تقسيم
سيكس بيكو جديد على حسبالبشرية كلة كل علشان خاطر عيونة!! كلهم فى خدمتة و سكوتك اكبر خدمة لية كل بيلعب دورة وبيجهز  
لية وبيخدمة كويس بعلم او بدون علم 

فرنسا هتبعت كل اسطولة البحرى الاسبوع الى جاى على سواحل سوريا لضرب وانهاء سوريا بالكامل!!
فرنسا بتاخد من ثارة من الدولة العثمانية وصلاح الدين  اية لسة الكلام مش واضح يا بهوات بجد  
قادريين ينسوة و هو عهد عليهم فى كل حرب صليبية انه تكون مدخلهم من سوريا من اول حرب صليبية لحد دلوقتى دور ف اقوى 

االادوار ديما فى مثلث الحروب الصليبية


 لو حرية تعبير كانا شوفنا مرة واحد فرنسا او الالمانية تعمل كارتون ضد الصهاينة 

و فى نفس الوقت و العالم كل مشغول فى داعش و كرتون فرنسا القدس بيتضيع اكتر و عرفت العالم اننا مسلمين و عرب ارهابيين !

 مكملين يا اولاد القحبة طول ما لسة فين نفس

مجموعة المنافقيين
و للتدوينة باقى ,,,,,,,,,

6/27/2013

#30June Get ready for A revolution against the Muslim Brotherhood #Tamarod



 Tamarod ,the rebellious mother movement of the upcoming 30 June protests launched today the 30 June Front. That front is an attempt to have a political cover for the protests despite the founders of that front made it clear in a press conference that they do not represent all revolutionaries or political powers.
Now the 30 June Front presented a roadmap for Egypt after Mohamed Morsi as Tamarod believes that it is going to oust him on 30 June through petitions. The 6 months transitional period roadmap is as follows after getting rid from MB and Morsi :

-->
  • To appoint an independent Prime minister that represents 25 Revolution.
  • To assign this prime minister with all the executive powers of the president and he will head a technocrat government whose main mission is to fix economy and adopt social justice policies.
  • To assign the head of supreme constitutional court with the President’s protocol missions.
  • To dissolve the Shura council and to suspend the current constitution.
  • To form a new constituent assembly in order to draft a new constitution.
  • To have presidential elections by the end of the 6 months followed by parliamentary elections monitored by judges and surpervised internationally. 
  • The National defense council is responsible for national security.
  • -->
    It is worth to mention that the boys and girls of Tamarod have met with Heikal, the old fox twice in the past two weeks. Politically speaking this roadmap is perfect or rather was perfect for Egypt on 12 February 2011 if people were honest in having true democracy. There is one missing detail is how to reach this roadmap already.
    Now there are too many players with other roadmaps and agendas.
    The 30 June Front is founded by a number of revolutionary and political activists like Israa Abdel Fatah, Amr Salah, Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Ahmed Harara , Khaled El Belshy and other others.
    The press conference was attended by many of the famous faces from activists like Ahmed Harara, Karima El Khafny, Hossam Eissa , Khaled Dawood , Hossam Mounis, Mazhar Shahin and Nour El Huda Zaki.
    Here are couple of photos I took from the press conference.

    6/24/2013

    #Egypt’s countdown to #June30 #Tamarod

    What began as a humble attempt to translate countrywide discontent with the way President Mohamed Morsi has governed Egypt, the Tamarod -- or "Rebel" campaign -- has mobilized millions of Egyptians for a protest that promises to be epic on the anniversary of Morsi's inauguration. Although opposition forces initially kept the signature drive that demands Morsi's removal from office and early elections at arms length, nearly all of the relevant players in Egypt's transitional drama now recognize the campaign's significance and potential to affect change. Movement within the political opposition, including coordination meetings with the campaign and youth groups for a post-Morsi transition plan, suggests a fundamental belief that the June 30 protests could realize Tamarod's goal of replacing the president.

    -->
    Islamists who support Morsi's government, primarily from the Muslim Brotherhood, responded with a counter-signature drive of their own called Tagarrod -- or "Impartiality" -- to reiterate their faith (no pun intended) in the political system and the elections that brought him to power. Supportive Islamist groups have also called for a June 21 protest against violence. However, the counter-campaign's attempt to balance the scales only seems to accentuate the country's deeply divided polity. The Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsi supporters have repeatedly vilified the Tamarod movement and some have gone as far as labeling those who turn out to protest on June 30 as traitors or unbelievers. Calmer heads within the Islamist movement have taken a more centrist position. The ultraconservative Salafi al-Nour Party has surprisingly demonstrated one of the most level headed attitudes with its promise to refrain from participating in protests, but urging the Muslim Brotherhood and the government to make concessions to opposition forces to diffuse the volatile situation. Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh's Strong Egypt Party fell on the side of peaceful protests but stood firm against calls for a military coup to replace Morsi.
    The revolutionary fervor and scathing vitriol between the two groups has gone beyond talking heads exchanging barbs in the Egyptian media. A number of violent incidents, not the least of which involved an arson attack by unknown assailants on one of the Tamarod offices in Cairo on June 7, and hours of clashes between Muslim Brotherhood and Tamarod campaigners in Alexandria on June 12, have heightened tensions between opposing ideologies in the days leading up to the planned mass demonstration and worried government security forces. The clashes involving attacks on Tamarod have prompted Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim to publicize its security plans for June 30, but interestingly confusing messages have come out of the ministry. Initial statements indicated a police withdrawal from demonstration areas but Ibrahim subsequently announced his commitment to protecting all citizens on June 30. Outraged Islamists called for Ibrahim to be held accountable for his initial refusal to protect Muslim Brotherhood headquarters and private property.
    Other rumblings within the Morsi administration also indicate some fear within the government that impending protests may shake the foundations of the current system. Morsi reached out to the National Salvation Front for yet another national dialogue in an effort to subdue the rising tide but without suitable guarantees that any negotiations would lead to binding decisions, opposition leaders declined. Instead, Morsi met with the Islamic Legitimate Body of Rights and Reformation, an independent multi-party coalition of Muslim scholars that includes Salafi and Muslim scholars whose deputy chief threatened the opposition with counter-rallies on June 30. Tamarod members have taken a similar hardline stance, demanding nothing short of the formation of a presidential council and a technocratic government with an eye toward Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) President Manar al-Beheiry to replace Morsi.
    -->
    The scene is certainly set for what could possibly be a game-changing display of popular outrage. To hear either side of the political chasm talk of June 30, one might think an Egyptian Armageddon is right around the corner, with both sides bracing for an outbreak of violence. It is distinctly possible -- even probable -- that protests could come to blows. In past confrontations, it took little to provoke competing political forces into a street battle. Today, not only are the Ultras (the hardcore soccer fans who regularly clash with police) a factor, Black Bloc anarchists are also planning to join the protests adding to an already volatile mix, despite promises of nonviolent protests. "Popular committees" formed to prevent violence are just as likely to instigate as they are to prevent fights from breaking out. Even ordinary citizens, fed up with the dire economic conditions and a deteriorating quality of life, may have little patience for Islamists who may goad them into throwing the first punch. Some Egyptians who see no political or legal avenue through which to channel their disapproval have even admitted hopes of a confrontation to spark the army's intervention and another round of revolutionary change. In this highly charged political climate, all it takes is one angry reaction to ensnare an entire country.
    Hopes of such clashes ousting Morsi, however, run into some heady challenges. The Tamarod campaign managed to surpass its goal of 15 million signatures calling for Morsi's resignation and snap elections. It rekindled the revolutionary flame sparked by its cross-party and youthful energy and captured the imagination of the silent majority in Egypt, but falls short of a legal avenue to realize a change in leadership. Currently, the constitution allows only a few ways by which to remove the president (articles 150 through 152): if the president falls ill or can no longer perform his duty; if he is charged with high treason and is subsequently impeached by at least two-thirds of the House of Representatives: if he puts his own presidency up to popular referendum: or if he voluntarily resigns. Anti-Islamist activists who argue that the constitution -- by virtue of the highly flawed process of its formation -- lacks the legitimacy to set appropriate standards for a post-revolution Egypt may be right, but neither opposition forces nor the judiciary have yet blatantly crossed the ambiguous legal boundaries that have guided (or misguided) it through its transition. The irony of Tamarod's support for the SCC's president to unconstitutionally lead the country is not lost on those paying attention. The judiciary, in particular, has remained conspicuously silent on the issue. However, judging by the SCC decision to allow the Shura Council to continue operating until a new parliament is elected, despite the court's ruling to invalidate the council, suggests its unwillingness to rock the boat.
    With all of Egypt's dramatic twists and turns over the past two years, those who claim to know what will happen on June 30 will find themselves either wrong or lucky. The number of variables that factor into any one event outstrip the imagination every time. The truth is, no one can claim with any degree of certainty what might change after June 30, but Tamarod has certainly revealed how the deep polarization affecting Egyptian society at large might run deeper than previously imagined. It has tapped into a disaffected population that lost all faith in Morsi or that elections under his leadership could be free and fair. It has garnered the support of millions of Egyptians by avoiding the partisan politics that many citizens have come to abhor. Lastly, it has called on the aid of the army and the judiciary, the two institutions with the most support in Egypt, to lead the country to a new beginning. June 30 may amount to nothing more than a mass protest, but Morsi would be wise to take the advice of fellow Islamists, abandon the confrontational stance toward his detractors, and build the consensus that Egypt desperately lacks sooner rather than later. The countdown begins.
    Tarek Radwan is the associate director for research at the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center. He previously reported on the Middle East with Human Rights Watch's MENA division and served as a Human Rights Officer for the United Nations/African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur. Mr. Radwan specializes in Egypt, with a focus on civil society, human rights, the constitution, and judicial issue

    4/22/2013

    Arab Spring Time in Saudi Cyberspace



    Not more than two years ago, the concept of reform in Saudi Arabia would have been as much an oxymoron as business ethics or airline cuisine. In recent months, however, the Arab Spring’s uncertain winds of change have finally begun to sweep into the world’s last forbidden kingdom. Finding themselves alone in a crowd (of revolution) in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia’s monarchs are quickly realizing that their secret police and petrodollars may be no match for their citizens’ technology-driven empowerment.
    On March 1, Saudi security forces cracked down on a woman-led protest in the city of Buraidah, known as the nerve center of Saudi Arabia’s ultraconservative Wahabbist ideology. Over 160 people, mostly women and children, were arrested after erecting a tent camp to pressure the government to free their imprisoned husbands whom they claim have been detained for years without visitation or access to legal counsel. The Saudi government claims that the detainees are part of a “deviant group,” a term given to suspected Al Qaeda sympathizers or Islamist political opposition groups across the Gulf.
    News of the arrests spread like wildfire. Protests in support of the Buraidah women were called for by activists from the Shiite minority in the Eastern Province and liberal reformists in Riyadh and Jidda. The mobilization of Saudi conservatives, liberals and minorities against the government’s repressive policies bore a dangerous resemblance to the red-green alliances that toppled governments from Cairo to Tunis. While turnout at the demonstrations was limited due to the government’s ban on political gatherings, the Saudi Twittersphere was teeming with anger.
    Two weeks later, the government-sponsored Arab News daily published a cover story condemning what it deemed “abusive” actions by Saudi Twitter users. The story mentioned that the authorities were mulling over a plan to link Twitter accounts with their users’ identification numbers. Soon after, the story was pulled from the online version of the newspaper without explanation.
    For one of the most Internet-privy societies on the planet, any move to link Twitter accounts with personal ID numbers would result in a mass exodus to other online forums that are not monitored. Saudi Arabia ranks number one in the world for Twitter users per-capita, with an estimated 51 percent of all Saudi Internet users maintaining an account with the social media network. Analysts suggest that any such move would result in a 60 percent reduction of Twitter usage in the country — a true window onto how many Saudis are voicing dissent against their government.
    Still, on March 31, the Saudi Communications and Information Technology Commission instructed Skype, WhatsApp and Viber to comply with local regulations or risk being shut down. These applications are Internet-based communications services that are both free of charge and not subject to the kingdom’s telecommunications regulations.
    The Saudi government has a strong interest in limiting social media and online communications services. Protests are being increasingly organized through use of the WhatsApp messaging application. Political dissidents are able to use Skype to communicate with human rights organizations and foreign media networks without fear of government monitoring. Some government employees and those with ties to the royal family have begun to exploit Twitter to disseminate information regarding corruption in the kingdom.
    The Saudi government is, however, becoming increasingly hesitant about limiting social media and other communications because of the potential for a political backlash. Freedom of speech and communication were a hallmark demand of popular uprisings elsewhere in the Arab world, with attempts to cut online activity serving to fuel discontent rather than mitigate unrest. Saudi Arabia is already a favorite target for civil rights activists across the globe, and a ban on social media would only add to a long list of reasons for further divestment and isolation campaigns.
    As an alternative, the Saudi government has begun encouraging loyalists to condemn and pursue those suspected of online dissent rather than close the outlets altogether. In recent weeks, a Shura Council member filed a lawsuit against a critical Twitter user, while the government-appointed imam of the Grand Mosque in Mecca dedicated his Friday sermon on April 5 to condemning the social network, calling it a “threat to national unity.”
    As the government remains confounded by its inability to control online dissent, there is no doubt that the rising tide of anger across Saudi cyberspace has begun to spill over into physical reality. Unwillingly, the government has been forced to wrestle with undertaking previously unimaginable reforms with regard to women’s rights and employment opportunities for millions of young, educated citizens. With social media as their vehicle, Saudis are threatening to take control of their country’s destiny for the first time in history, and there may be nothing their government can do about it.

    4/13/2013

    سقوط الدولة المصرية: غياب قواعد اللعبة السياسية

    من ساعة 25 يناير 2011 لم أرى أي فصيل سياسي في مصر يتحدث عن وضع قواد أساسية و واضحة و بسيطة تكون أساس إعادة بناء النظام السياسي في مصر.
     
    القواعد دي غير تقديمها، كان لازم يبقى عليها إجماع... تكون مجموعة مبادئ لا يتنازع عليها أي فصيل سياسي: ليبرالي، إسلامي/ديني، يساري، إلخ
    من الأمثلة في التاريخ هو إعلان الإستقلال الأمريكي. كان إعلان إستقلال لكنه كان إعلان مبادئ. الإعلان كان لا يزيد على صفحة وحدة.
    الوقت بين إعلان الإستقلال لحد وضع الدستور الأمريكي كان 11 سنة!في هذه الأثناء كان إعلان الإستقلال ومبادئه هم قواعد اللعبة السياسية في امريكا.
    الليبرالية لايمكنها تقديم أي حلول لولم يكن هناك قواعد واضحة حتى وإن كانت أقل من المستوى لئن اللمنهج الليبرالي يعتمد على البناء و التصحيح.
     
     
     
     
    لكن مصر في السنتين إلي فاتوا و بالذات الفترة الأخيرة تفتقد لأي معالم واضحة و مطبقة تعطي ضمانات و تطمينات لكل الأطراف السياسية.
     
     
    و الأسباب معروفة... فالإخوان تغطرسوا و ابعدوا الأخر و شكلوا قواعد اللعبة و غيروها على أهوائهم كما تطورت الأحداث.
     
    هم كدة فاكرين انهم على طريق النجاح... لكن اللي مش فهمينه إنه لا يمكنهم تحقيق حتى اهدافهم الضيقة من غير قواعد واضحة مطبقة بحياد على الجميع.
     
    و عشان كدة اسلوبهم و منهجهم لن يخلق إلا نظام مهلهل ساقط كالوضع في باكستان.
     
    ما يحدث في مصر هو انها ما بقتش دولة قانون... لكنها دولة ساقطة... Failed State... أو على طريقها لذلك.
     

    4/12/2013

    Lessons from #Syria





    There are two parts to this brilliant article by Beesaan el Shaikh in Al Hayat (Arabic) which I believe is an imperative read for anyone interested in the Arab uprising.
    The first part of the article uses the tragedies generated by the revolution as a very compelling argument NOT to support it. The second part, near the end, turns the argument around making a simple but slam-dunk case for the revolution.
    I want to use the first part to rephrase a position I expressed in the very beginning of this revolution, days before the first Assad speech and the subsequent violent turn of the uprising: I expressed then my hope that Assad would do the wise thing and grab the opportunity to reform the regime by himself, because that was the only transition that would avoid destroying Syria, or handing it to Islamic extremists.
    I was naïve in my hopes, obviously. But I believe that hope is a moral imperative. I knew then, like all those who lived through Lebanon's civil war, that no matter where it happens on this earth, or why, or how legitimate, when an uprising turns into an armed rebellion, there is absolutely no controlling of the damage it can make to the structure of society and its ability to recuperate post conflict (think Iraq, Lebanon, but also Salvador, Tchetchnia, or Sri Lanka more globally).
    The unspeakable price of civil violence in terms of social dismantling (even more so than the toll on human life and heritage), is why I still believe that any people who has regime change in progress (i.e Tunisia, Egypt) - or in perspective (i.e Jordan, Morocco, or the Gulf in the coming 5 to 15 years) - must bend itself backwards twice, maybe thrice, before engaging in violent struggle, or violent ‘defense of the achieved revolution’ – as opposed to radically peaceful rebellion or political compromise.
    One of the reasons I respect Moaz el Khatib so deeply is his awareness of this fact, and his courage to remain constantly open to compromise with the regime for the sake of ending violence – because he knows that no matter how high the price of such compromise is, it will always be lower than the one of sustained violence.
    Don’t get me wrong, just like Beesaan el Sheikh says in her article, I believe that there is no choice BUT to support the Syrian revolution because it is the only legitimate and humanly acceptable path forward. But I certainly hope that idealists learn the lesson and understand that wars are, under all circumstances, unwinnable: because even by winning them, we destroy the basic social infrastructure that makes that victory worth anything.
    This might sound obvious to some, but the consequence is less so: only a slower transition, or a stubbornly peaceful uprising can come at a lower cost.
    I want to end by drawing a relevance to Tunisia and Egypt: compromise is a high price you might need to pay to avoid the higher price of a torn society. And if compromise is impossible (and it should take a lot before you get to this conclusion), than maintain your struggle peaceful at all cost (i.e no military repression of ‘medieval forces’). The alternative is worse than you can ever imagine or calculate.

    4/03/2013

    Change in Egypt #egypt #Morsi #Ikhwan #cartoon

    Mubarak and Marsa same dirty face

    3/15/2013

    #UN Vote for the changes that would make the most difference to your world

    The United Nations wants to hear from you. I have just told them my priorities for creating a better world. Join me and vote!

     
    Vote for the changes that would make
    the most difference to your world
    The United Nations and partners want to hear from YOU! MY World is a global survey asking you to choose your priorities for a better world. Results will be shared with world leaders in setting the next global development agenda. Tell us about the world you want, because your voice matters.
     

    3/06/2013

    Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How #Morsi escaped from prison


    Video .. prison director and Wadi Natrun tells: How Morsi escaped from prison

    Gen. Issam Elkoussy warden Lehman 430 Wadi Natrun, who fled from Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi on 28 January 2011 that prison inmates smuggling operation was organized process, and did not have parents as frequency, a certificate that contradict what the President says Morsi.

    The testimony came Elkoussy Brigade in the trial of a fugitive from Wadi Alnzeron prison during the period which saw the withdrawal of police on Jan. 8, the same prison that was inside President Mursi and a number of Brotherhood leaders, all of whom fled from custody

    2/26/2013

    Egyptian tourism targeted intentionally #egypt

    After attacks on hotels and tourism sites in several areas in Egypt under the pretext of protests, Egyptian 

    economic experts have asserted that the country's tourism industry is being targeted intentionally. The main target, they say, is the economy, which is unlikely to revive as long as there is daily turmoil on the streets of Egypt and security officers are deployed everywhere.
    Many tourist hotels have been targeted during demonstrations called by the National Salvation Front (NSF). Analysts say that the NSF, which has never condemned the destructive attacks, provides a political cover for the violence. According to the Professor of International Relations at Cairo University, Mohammed Hussein, "The series of attacks on tourist hotels is carried out by paid vandals and they serve only to damage the tourism industry in Egypt."  He suggested that the reason is because tourism is one thing which can revive the Egyptian economy.
    Prof. Hussein pointed to the role of the mass media, which projects what is carried out by the criminals as some kind of national achievement because they claim to be fighting for freedom. "However, they are just a few thousand, whereas the mass media speaks about millions taking to the streets," he said.
    The head of the economic committee at the Chamber of Tourism Companies, Basel Al-Sisi, described the targeting of hotels as a "disaster" for the industry. Some tourism companies will be forced to make staff cuts if the attacks continue, he warned. Al-Sisi called for greater protection for hotels and for the security services to investigate attacks and arrest the culprits.
    The Egyptian tourism industry has been suffering severe losses since the revolution which toppled former president Hosni Mubarak. It faces further difficulties after today's hot air balloon crash in which 19 foreign tourists were killed.

    2/25/2013

    Egyptian X-Files : The Curious Case of #Morsi’s interview

    Egyptian X-Files : The Curious Case of #Morsi’s interview

    Yesterday millions of Egyptians glued in front of their TVs waiting for president Morsi’s recorded interview on Mehwer TV channel at 8 PM that actually started at nearly 2 AM !!! According to Presidency the interview was going to be aired on National TV as well other channels.

    There were some official excuses said and claimed for this delay as I will list :
    • There was a technical problem in the Nile Sat !! “ I am sorry but the Nile Sat was working fine then and it is not live interview in the first place  !!”
    • The Presidency failed to broadcast the interview from the Presidential Palace “ WHY TO BROADCAST THE INTERVIEW FROM THE PALACE !!” as there was a problem in the fiber optics there and so they had to transfer the recorded interview to the National TV building in Maspero but there was another technical problem !! TECHNICAL PROBLEM IN NATIONAL TV BUILDING !?? Yes and that problem forced Amr El Lithy to take the recorded interview and head directly to the Media City in October !!! !!?
    • The MB members claim that Mehwer channel delayed the interview to air commercials !! First the TV channel was airing from 8 PM to 2 AM patriotic songs , second CAN ANY TV IN THE WORLD DELAY THE PRESIDENT’S INTERVIEW FOR NEARLY 6 HOURS TO SHOW ADS AND PRESIDENCY IS OK WITH IT ??
    What really happened for and caused this delay ?? Why was not there a singly apology to the millions of the viewers waiting for that delay with a realistic excuse ??
    People are speculating that the true reason of delay was in fact the editing of that interview especially there parts that seemed to be missing like a question about America who answer was still there. Some say that the interview was edited by Muslim brotherhood presidency team to avoid any mockery while others say that parts related to Iranian Egyptian relations were removed from interview.
    Interestingly people like Dr. Bassem Khafagy paid attention closely to Morsi’s watch and found the following :
    • The beginning of the interview , it was 2.15 PM according to Morsi’s watch.
    • Then in the end it was 4.30 PM according to Morsi’s watch.
    • When Amr El Lithy asked him about Port Said it was 11.50 AM !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
    Anyhow editing does not take all that time when the summary of the President’s interview was distributed all those newspapers , channels and websites by Presidency by 5 PM !!!!!??
    Another riddle , another enigma we will know its truth hopefully soon.
    By the way did Amr El Lithy explain to Morsi why he resigned from his position as his media advisor after the December 5,2013 Presidential Palace clashes !!?
    Here is the long interview
     
     
     

    2/23/2013

    Protest Torture & Zero Dark Thirty


     

     

      "Zero never acknowledges that torture is immoral and criminal. It does portray torture as getting results."

    Click here to download flyer to take to your local movie theater in protest. 

     

     

    Click here for series of posters of Guantanamo prisoners cleared for release yet still unjustly held.

    Here are some of the articles and opinion pieces outlining why people of conscience must take a stand against the justification and use of torture:

    Instead of being indicted, these torturers are presented as heroes, as brave and dedicated “detectives.”  No one gives Maya or Dan the kind of scolding, which you envision Obama giving, off-screen.  Chastain’s Maya, is presented as especially admirable, a feminist action hero.  She not only gets her man; she also muscles CIA male chauvinists out of the way, as she pushes ahead on “The Greatest Manhunt in History.”  And we’re supposed to empathize and cheer her on.
    On Zero Dark Thirty
    by James Spione
    That a movie which at its core is essentially a revenge flick—evil guy kills innocents, heroine stops at nothing to kill evil guy—is even being compared to journalism by its makers or anyone else says more about the sorry state of journalism today than it does about the film.
    Torture in Zero Dark Thirty protested"The controversy surrounding Zero Dark Thirty has been as misguided as the film itself, which opened nationwide on Friday. Much of the debate has centered on whether The Hurt Locker director Kathryn Bigelow's latest opus leaves viewers with the false impression that torture led to the killing of Usama bin Laden. That both the means employed and the ends achieved in that equation are illegal and repugnant seems all but forgotten. Both torture and extrajudicial executions are anathema to civilized society, irrespective of their possible efficacy or expediency. More importantly, both the film and the controversy it has ignited treat torture at secret CIA prisons as though it were a thing of the past, masking the reality of an enduring practice."
    "Bigelow, Boal, and Sony thus have portrayed the criticism of their film as censorship and wrapped themselves in the flag of free expression. But the opposition their film has sparked is not about censorship at all and their characterizing their critics as censorious is dishonest. People who oppose torture want torture to be shown to the American people. The fine 2007 film Rendition, for example, starring Jake Gyllenhaal, Meryl Streep, and Reese Witherspoon, showed torture and was appreciated by those of us who admire well-made films and oppose torture’s immorality and illegality."
    "Those who are protesting the easy tolerance of torture in Zero Dark Thirty have been dismissed by some commentators as having a political agenda. The problem of torture is not political. It's moral. And it's criminal.
    I'm a member of Hollywood's Motion Picture Academy. At the risk of being expelled for disclosing my intentions, I will not be voting for Zero Dark Thirty - in any Academy Awards category."
    "Extraordinary renditions apparently continue to this day.  These are secret abductions and transfers of prisoners to other countries where torture is used. Torture is torture whether it is done by Americans at Guantánamo Bay, Abu Ghraib, Afghanistan, or by proxy through our rendition program."
    Martin Sheen, Ed Asner Join 'Zero Dark Thirty' Protest
    Zero Dark Thirty Protest
    Protest
    Above, protesting at the opening of Zero Dark Thirty in NYC December 19, 2013
    Dark, Zero-Feminism
    by Zillah Eisenstein
    "...the real problem with ZDT is that it lets the audience and the American public think that terrible things are allowable because they are doable.   A courageous telling of the U.S. anti-terror narrative would demand critique and defiance."
    "By peddling the lie that CIA detentions led to Bin Laden's killing, you have become a Leni Riefenstahl-like propagandist of torture"
    a critical choiceby Curt Wechsler
    "The public "controversy" whipped up by release of the new torture movie Zero Dark Thirty is actually a re-hash of an argument that had largely been put to bed, that torture works to extract reliable intelligence from suspected terrorists (and even if it did, would that make the practice morally acceptable?) But torture IS effective in getting subjects to say what you want them to say, to fabricate rationale for government venture, such as the ultimate war crime of aggression on sovereign nations that pose no imminent threat."
    Listen to Debra Sweet discuss the film on Flashpoints, KPFA (at 42:00 into the show).
    Torture is Wrongby Debra Sweet
    Torture, Torture Everywhere
    by Andy Worthington


    Ending U.S.-Sponsored Torture Forever from NRCAT on Vimeo.

    2/20/2013

    العنف ضد المراة العربية الى اين !! Violence against women in the Arab world






    مشهد يتكرر في أغلب بيوت مصر , البنت أبوها مدير ادارة حياتها و أخوها نائب المدير , لحد ما يطلع معاش و ييجي جوزها كمدير جديد , و لو اتطلقت يرجع أبوها تاني و لو جوزها مات و ابنها كبر , يبقي كدة اتطمننا ان فيه ادارة جديده برضه. لو كبر ابنك خاويه , لكن بنتك لأ.








    سائق الميكروباص : مكنش ينفع غير الدوله الدينيه
    انا : اشمعنا ؟؟
    السائق : حتطبق الشريعه بجد
    انا : يعني ايه تطبق الشريعه ؟؟
    السائق : اديك مثل بسيط , نعمل اتوبيسات للرجاله و اتبوسيات للستات و نخلي الست تتفرغ لبيتها و عيلها
    انا : طب انت شايف ان مشاكل مصر كلها واقفه علي ان الستات تبقي في اتوبيس و الرجاله في اتوبيس
    السائق : ده مثل بسيط .. انت عارف العيل اللي بتعاكس , حتتربي و مش حتشوف بت مع واد تاني في الشارع
    انا : و انت ايه اللي مضايقك لما يكون في بنت مع ولد في الشارع
    السائق : نعم !!!! انت ترضي اختك تمشي مع ولد
    انا : يعني مش فاهم ايه المشكله مع زميلها .. خطيبها , ابن عمها , و يمكن يكون الولد ده , انا اخوها
    السائق : يعني ايه بنتي او اختي تمشي مع ولد و تتمرقع في الشارع
    انا : يعني افرض بنتك عندها زميل ليها او حد معجب بشخصيتها و صديقها
    السائق : ده انا اديها بالجزمه و اكسر لها رقبتها !!
    انا : طب ما انت حتمنعها .. حتعمل كده من وراك
    السائق : ما هي لو عملت كده وحياه امها ما حخرجها من البيت !! , طرطور انا ؟؟
    انا : معلش بس انت ازاي تسمح لنفسك , انك تضرب بنتك ؟؟ هي مش انسان ناضج تقدر تحدد مصيرها ؟؟
    السائق : ناضج ايه يا كابتن ؟؟ البنت ديه تبعي لغايه ما تتنيل تروح بيت جوزها و لو جوزها طرطور دي مش قصتي
    انا : طب عدم الامؤخذه , الطرطور ده يعرفها ازاي ؟؟ قصدي مين حيجي يخطبها ؟؟ لو ميعرفهاش ؟؟
    السائق : ما انا خلاص اخترت لها
    انا : هايل , و يا تري لو عندك ابن ؟؟ حتختار له برضه ؟؟
    السائق : بص انا حشوف اختياره لو عجابني تمام , لو معجبنيش حقوله لا ..
    انا : يعني حتعقد معاه تقنعه ؟؟
    السائق : اه , طبعا لو كبر ابنك خاويه ...
    انا : طب و لو كبرت بنتك ؟؟؟؟؟
    السائق : بس يا استاذ .. انت بتلف و تدور علي نقطه .. من الاخر عشان اريحيك .. البنات لازم تتربي مش تلبس لي ملزق و ضيق و تروح تصاحب ولاد و تقولي هي حريه .. لا مش حره
    انا : ما حضرتك لو مربيها صح , هي من الاساس مش حتعمل حاجه غلط ....
    ( مش حكمل عشان هنا الحوار خد طريق تاني و الحمد الله اني وصلت بيتي سليم ) .......................
    , , , ,
    انا مش عارف ليه في ثقافه سايده ان الاب او الاخ يمتلك بنته او اخته !؟!؟؟! ليه مش قادرين يقتنعوا انها انسان كامل زي الولد بالظبط ؟؟ و ليه متخيلين ان الكبت و الحبس هما الحل ؟؟؟ ميعرفوش ان الممنوع مرغوب .. يعني احبس و افصل و امنع و ابعد .. برضه لو في مشكله حتفضل موجوده .. اما لو اتكلم و ناقشت و تواصلت ... المشكله مش حتبقي موجوده , عشان خلاص طلعت للنور ... و اللي متعود علي الضلمه حيعيش طول عمره يخبي و يخفي في الضلمه , بس اللي متربي علي النور , بيبقي انسان حر , ناضج , عارف مصلحته ... مش بيخاف من حد عشان عارف انه في السليم ... فلتسقط سياسه الترهيب و تبدأ سياسه الاقناع و التوعيه !











    2/13/2013

    The new #Egypt at (almost) #Morsi



    On January 25, thousands of Egyptians will gather in Tahrir Square and across Egypt to commemorate the uprising that toppled the Hosni Mubarak dictatorship. They will celebrate with good reason. When Mubarak, pressured by millions in the streets and ultimately betrayed by his own top generals, resigned on February 11, 2011, a military-backed dictatorship that had ruled and largely abused Egypt for more than half a century came to an end. Most Egyptians were euphoric, and the world was transfixed by the unexpected power of the Tahrir Square freedom movement.
    However, in the two years since, the transition remains fragile, and Egypt's politics remain dangerously polarized. In fact, in addition to celebration, there may also be clashes on January 25. Today Egypt has an elected president, a new constitution, and will soon hold parliamentary elections. But if Egypt has made halting steps toward democracy, worrying signs of illiberalism and poor governance are increasingly apparent. The outcome of the revolution in the Arab world's most populous country remains uncertain, and the threat of violence looms large. 
    To understand where Egypt's revolution might go from here, it is useful to take a sober accounting of the key lessons that we have learned over the past two years, and to debunk some myths that stubbornly took root during that time.

    The Muslim Brotherhood are not democrats. Despite some prominent Western journalists and analysts' continued wishful thinking to the contrary, the Muslim Brotherhood -- a secretive, rigorously disciplined and hierarchical organization -- neither understands nor sees inherent value in democratic politics. Rather, the Muslim Brotherhood believes in a narrow majoritarianism and its leaders and supporters often confuse that with democracy. The Brotherhood believes that 50 percent + 1 equals a free hand to pursue its agenda. And its agenda is manifestly an illiberal one in which universal rights are subordinated to religious doctrine.
    The manner in which Egypt's new constitution was conceived, written, and adopted offers the clearest example of the Brotherhood's authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies. A post-authoritarian state should adopt a consensus document, but the current constitution was rammed through despite the staunch objections of non-Islamists. Rather than guaranteeing protections for minorities and women, the constitution leaves a troublingly broad scope for violation of their human rights. Looking ahead, as the Brotherhood embarks upon a legislative agenda, expect laws that will seek to limit media freedoms and constrain freedom of assembly.
    The military remains very powerful. In November 2011, Egypt's Islamists, which had for months worked closely with the Mubarak appointed military leadership, protested the proposed "Selmi document" which was designed to ensure the military's privileges in any new constitution. However, after President Mohamed Morsi was elected in June 2012 and dismissed the two top Mubarak era generals in August, Egypt's Islamist dominated constituent assembly crafted a constitution that explicitly guarantees the military's power and privileges. The Islamists learned that trying to bring the military under civilian control was a dangerous task, and the two entities now have a more collaborative relationship. This gives some of Egypt's non-Islamists, who erroneously believed that the military represents the last line of defense against Islamists, migraines. But the more salient factor is that a military not under direct civilian oversight is simply bad for nurturing a fledgling democracy.
    Sectarianism in Egypt is alive and well. Attacks on Egyptian Christians were not uncommon in Mubarak's time -- on New Year's Day in 2011, three and a half weeks before the uprising, a church in Alexandria was bombed, killing 21 worshipers. But Christians have thus far fared even worse in post-revolution Egypt. Churches have been burned, Christians have been attacked and prevented from voting, a Christian man's ear was even cut off -- and few perpetrators have been arrested, fostering a culture of impunity. In fact, Christian victims are often blamed for being attacked. In October 2011, for example, the military attacked a group of Christian protesters, killing 27, and as the melee was taking place, a state TV presenter requested that "honorable citizens" report to the scene to protect the soldiers from the marauding Christians.

    Now with Islamists politically ascendant, hardline influential Muslim clerics have ratcheted up their sectarian invective against Christians. They are emboldened by the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood and their Salafi extremist junior partners believe in the primacy of Islamic principles over equal citizenship. While the Brotherhood, to appease Western skeptics, has issued various blandishments about its commitment to "equality," its leaders will stand by idly as more hardline Islamists spew ugly and dangerous rhetoric about Christians. Egyptians Christians should be concerned. Even if legislation is not overtly prejudiced, the views of Egypt's leaders will increasingly permeate the country, fanning existing anti-Christian biases.
    The progressive "Muslim Brotherhood youth" is a myth. In the years leading up to the Egyptian uprising, there was a prevalent belief that the younger members of the Muslim Brotherhood would exert a moderating influence on the Muslim Brotherhood, especially if the movement was granted legal recognition. Many young Islamists are indeed more moderate, revolutionary, and yes more liberal, than the leadership. However, these more progressive, democratic young Brothers are outnumbered by adherents of similar age who remain committed to conservatism. As a result, the "young brothers" have not had the moderating influence that was expected.
    The more impressive progressive Brothers, like Ibrahim El Houdaiby, have left the Brotherhood and started their own small political parties, or joined forces with more established, popular, moderate former members like Abdel Moniem Aboul Fotouh. Their defections have only reinforced the orthodox conservatism and authoritarian nature of the movement. On November 22, 2012, when Morsi declared himself above legal challenges, the Brotherhood ordered its younger members to gather in support of the president's statement, even before the content of that statement was known. The young Brothers actually had no idea what Morsi was going to say. They just knew that they would agree with it.

    The silent majority remains the most potentially potent force in Egypt. To be sure, the Brotherhood is currently the most powerful and organized political force in the country. It can count on a bloc of between five and 10 million voters. And these voters have delivered victory after victory over the last 22 months in referenda as well as parliamentary and presidential elections. In fact, it is likely that Islamists will win the upcoming parliamentary elections. However, Egypt has more than 50 million voters. The biggest bloc is the unaffiliated -- either because they don't care, don't know enough about politics, or are disillusioned. For example, only 11 million voters approved the Islamist crafted constitution. This of course does not mean that the other 39 million voters reject it, but if the Brotherhood can only get one fifth of voters to make their way to a polling station to register their approval of such an important document, it means they can be beaten.

    The prevalence of undecided potential voters means that Egypt's divided non-Islamists could make electoral progress if they successfully appeal to new voters beyond their own bloc of five to six million, mostly urban supporters. However, to date, Egypt's non-Islamist movement remains incoherent. Thus far, their strategy has been to be the party of "no" and to try to pressure authorities through street protests. This will not work. Non-Islamists can certainly win Egyptian elections, but they have to work twice as hard. They have yet to hone an appealing message, focused on the economy, for example, that would attract voters in places like Upper Egypt or other rural parts of the country, where they are particularly weak.
    Authorities are adrift on the economy. There was a strong economic component to the January 25 uprising. Egypt's economy, like those of many other non-oil Arab states, grew under Mubarak in the last few years of his rule, but that growth did little for the poor. As recently as last fall, the Muslim Brotherhood was heralded as "serious" about economic reform. Given Egypt's deep economic problems -- growth is anemic, the pound is losing value, structural limitations to growth abound -- this should have been the government's primary focus. Instead, the Muslim Brotherhood used its political capital to ram through a constitution and then found it had little leverage to push through some needed but difficult economic reforms.
    Of course, if the Brotherhood had pursued political consensus, it might have been better positioned to carry out needed reforms -- for example, on taxation and subsidies. In addition, were there less polarization and political upheaval, tourism receipts could well be higher and foreign and domestic investors less skittish. But the Muslim Brotherhood gambled that it was more important to cement its political agenda. For a time, Egypt's regional importance will continue to attract aid -- from the IMF, the United States and, increasingly from the Gulf -- but room for maneuver on crucial reforms is now much more limited.
    Sinai is a serious security problem. Sinai is becoming increasingly lawless and poses a potential threat to Egyptian security and the economy. Since Mubarak's ouster, the gas pipeline in Sinai has been attacked more than a dozen times. In August 2012, the border police were attacked and 16 officers were killed, leading to a major shakeup of the security and military leadership. It is also disturbing that it appears difficult to get solid information about what is actually happening in Sinai -- who the Sinai militants are and what are their goals. However, their actions can carry serious consequences. A single devastating terrorist attack on tourists from Sinai-based groups could deal a further blow to Egypt's ailing economy.
    Despite all the challenges that post-uprising Egypt faces, Egyptian politics are more alive than they have been in decades, and Egyptian democracy and pluralism are still good long term bets. Entrenched interests and many newly empowered political forces are change resistant -- but it is very unlikely that Egypt will return to the kind of "stable" authoritarianism of Mubarak. While they are a small minority, the core group of revolutionary activists agitating for democracy remains indefatigable. Egypt will probably experience a very bumpy few years, but these activists will keep pushing those in power to move toward a more democratic Egypt. Egypt has changed.

    2/02/2013

    Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

    Muslim Brotherhood 'paying gangs to go out and rape women and beat men protesting in Egypt' as thousands of demonstrators pour on to the streets

    Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration


    • Activists claim there have been nearly 20 attacks in the last 10 days
    • Country has seen rise in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year
    • Demonstrators in Tahrir Square yesterday protested against a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi
    • Muslim Brotherhood today marched in support of the president



    Egypt's ruling party is paying gangs of thugs to sexually assault women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square against President Mohamed Morsi, activists said.
    They also said the Muslim Brotherhood is paying gangs to beat up men who are taking part in the latest round of protests, which followed a decree by President Morsi to give himself sweeping new powers.
    It comes as the Muslim Brotherhood co-ordinated a demonstration today in support of President Mohamed Morsi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.
    Scroll down for video
    Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
    Danger: women protesting in Cairo's Tahrir Square face the increased danger of sexual assault by large gangs of men
    Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
    Egyptian supporters of Muslim Brotherhood taking part in a demonstration near Cairo University, in Cairo, in support of President Mohamed Morsi's recent constitutional declaration
    Just 24 hours earlier around 200,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square, the heart of last year's revolution which toppled President Hosni Mubarak, yesterday to protest against a new draft constitution.
    Large marches from around Cairo flowed into the square, chanting 'Constitution: Void!' and The people want to bring down the regime.'
    But amid the calls for democracy a sinister threat has emerged.
    Magda Adly, the director of the Nadeem Centre for Human Rights, said that under Mubarak, the Government paid thugs to beat male protestors and sexually assault women.
    'This is still happening now,' she told The Times. 'I believe thugs are being paid money to do this ... the Muslim Brotherhood have the same political approaches as Mubarak,' she said.

    RAW VIDEO: Egyptian Protests continue into the night:

    Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
    Huge rally: Tens of thousands of Islamists demonstrated in Cairo today in support of Morsi
    Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
    Devout: Muslim Brotherhood supporters perform a prayer as they stage a rally in front of Cairo's University
    One protestor, Yasmine, told the newspaper how she had been in the square filming the demonstrations for a few hours when the crowd suddenly turned.
    Before she knew what was happening, about 50 men had surrounded her and began grabbing her breasts. She said they ripped off her clothes, starting with her headscarf and for nearly an hour, indecently assaulted her with their hands.
    A few men tried to help her but they were beaten away. Eventually some residents who had seen the attack from their windows came to her aid and an elderly couple pulled her into their home. She suffered internal injuries and was unable to walk for a week.
    Four of Yasmine's friends were also sexually assaulted in the square that day, in the summer.
    Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
    Show of force: Today's rally, organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, are an attempt to counteract large opposition protests held earlier this week by liberal and secular groups
    Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
    Protest: liberal opponents of President Morsi took to the streets yesterday angry at his decision to grant himself sweeping new powers
    Afaf el-Sayed, a journalist and activist, told the newspaper she was assaulted by a group of men while protesting in Tahrir Square just over a month ago and she was sure her attackers were 'thugs from the Muslim Brotherhood'.
    In February 2011 the correspondent for the American network CBS, Lara Logan, endured a half-hour sexual assault in Tahrir Square by a group of men. She said after the ordeal that she had been 'raped with their hands'.
    While the exact frequency of these attacks is unknown, activists have reported nearly 20 attacks in the last ten days and say there has been a dramatic increase in mob sex attacks on protestors in the last year.
    Most attacks take place in one particular corner of the square, at roughly the same time every evening, and usually starts with a group of men forming a human chain around women as if to protect them.
    Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
    Sit in: Anti-Morsi protesters gather in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Friday night
    Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
    Terror: CBS Correspondent Lara Logan described her assault by a mob in Tahrir Square as being 'raped with their hands'. This photo was taken moments before the attack
    Yasmine said she was almost sure the assault was planned. She managed to throw her camera to a friend and was able to watch the footage later. She told The Times: 'Just before the attack it looks like men are getting into position. They look like they're up to something, they don't look like random protestors.'
    The newspaper spoke to two men who admitted they were paid to target female protestors. Victor and Tutu, both in their thirties, said they operate in a group of around 65 local men and got paid between £10 and £20 a time. But they would not reveal who pays them.
    'We're told to go out and sexually harass girls so they leave the demonstration,' Victor told The Times. He said the aim was to cause disruption and instil fear in protesters. He said members of the public sometimes joined in. 
    Protestors in Tahrir Square yesterday angrily vowed to bring down a draft constitution approved by allies of President Morsi.
    Face-off: Some protestors yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head
    Face-off: Some demonstrators yesterday wore masks, such as this man, who has an 'anonymous' mask on the back of his head similar to those worn by Occupy protestors in the US last year
    Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
    Religious liberty: although this protestor holds up a Qu'ran and a crucifix, human rights groups warn that the draft constitution is bad news for minorities in Egypt such as the Coptic Christian community
    The protests have highlighted an increasingly united opposition leadership of prominent liberal and secular politicians trying to direct public anger against Morsi and the Islamists - a contrast to the leaderless youth uprising last year which toppled autocrat Hosni Mubarak.
    Figures from a new leadership coalition took the stage to address the crowds. The coalition, known as the National Salvation Front, includes prominent democracy advocate Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, leftist Hamdeen Sabbahi and former Arab League chief Amr Moussa.
    'We are determined to continue with all peaceful means, whatever it takes to defend our legitimate rights,' ElBaradei told the crowd. He later posted on Twitter that Morsi and his allies are "staging a coup against democracy" and that the regime's legitimacy 'is eroding'.
    Sabbahi vowed protests would go on until 'we topple the constitution'.
    The opposition announced plans for an intensified street campaign of protests and civil disobedience and even a possible march on Morsi's presidential palace to prevent him from calling a nationwide referendum on the draft, which it must pass to come into effect. Top judges announced Friday they may refuse to monitor any referendum, rendering it invalid.
    Imprisonment: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
    Oppression: An anti-Morsi protester chains his hands during yesterday's demonstrations, to symbolise the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood
    A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Squareon Friday
    A protester in a Pharaoh headdress holds up a placard reading 'no to a dictator' during a demonstration on Tahrir Square on Friday
    If a referendum is called, 'we will go to him at the palace and topple him,' insisted one protester, Yasser Said, a businessman who said he voted for Morsi in last summer's presidential election.
    Islamists, however, are gearing up as well. The Muslim Brotherhood drummed up supporters for its own mass rally today and boasted the turnout would show that the public supports Morsi's efforts to push through a constitution.
    Brotherhood activists in several cities handed out fliers calling for people to come out and "support Islamic law". A number of Muslim clerics in Friday sermons in the southern city of Assiut called the president's opponents "enemies of God and Islam".
    The week-long unrest has already seen clashes between Islamists and the opposition that left two dead and hundreds injured. On Friday, Morsi opponents and supporters rained stones and firebombs on each other in the cities of Alexandria and Luxor.
    Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
    Struggle: opponents of President Morsi vowed to keep fighting until the constitution rushed through by the Government is thrown out
    Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
    Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi chant pro-Morsi slogans during a protest in front of the Sultan Hassan and Refaie Mosques' at the old town in Cairo on Friday
    The Islamist-led assembly that worked on the draft for months passed it in a rushed, 16-hour session that lasted until sunrise on Friday.
    The vote was abruptly moved up to pass the draft before Egypt's Constitutional Court rules on Sunday whether to dissolve the assembly. Liberal, secular and Christian members and secular members had already quit the council to protest what they call Islamists' hijacking of the process.
    The draft was to be sent to Morsi today to decide on a date for a referendum, possibly in mid-December.
    The draft has a distinctive Islamic bent - enough to worry many that civil liberties could be restricted, though its provisions for enforcing Sharia, or Islamic law, are not as firm as ultra-conservatives wished.
    Protests were first sparked when Morsi last week issued decrees granting himself sweeping powers that neutralized the judiciary. Morsi said the move was needed to stop the courts - where anti-Islamist or Mubarak-era judges hold many powerful posts - from dissolving the assembly and further delaying Egypt's transition.
    Opponents, however, accused Morsi of grabbing near-dictatorial powers by sidelining the one branch of government he doesn't control.