‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Army. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات Army. إظهار كافة الرسائل

5/14/2015

The Terminator Google’s Army READY


The Terminator Google’s Army READY












Boston Dynamics
Posted by Boston Dynamics on Sunday, 3 August 2014

Boston Dynamics
Posted by Boston Dynamics on Saturday, 6 December 2014
Boston Dynamics
Posted by Boston Dynamics on Saturday, 17 May 2014
US Dynamics Cheetah !*Boston Dynamics
Posted by Boston Dynamics on Wednesday, 14 May 2014
Boston Dynamics
Posted by Boston Dynamics on Friday, 20 December 2013
-------------------------

Google’s latest acquisition is one of the most advanced robotics companies in the world, and makes robots for the US military.


Google’s recent acquisition of Boston Dynamics marks its eighth robotics purchase in the past six months, showing Google’s “moonshot” robotics vision is more than just a pet project.
Boston Dynamics is the most high-profile acquisition, however, instantly adding world-leading robotics capability, including robots that can walk all on their own, to Google’s arsenal – as well as significant links to the US military – conjuring images of Skynet and the artificial intelligence-led robot uprising straight out of the 1984 film The Terminator.

What is it?

Boston Dynamics is an engineering and robotics design company that works across a wide range of computer intelligence and simulation systems, as well as large, advanced robotic platforms.
The company was created as a technology spin-off from Massachusetts Institute of Technology by Prof Marc Raibert in 1992, then the founder and lead researcher of the Leg Lab – a research group focussed on systems that move dynamically, including legged robots.

What does it do?

Raibert describes the Boston Dynamics team as “simply engineers that build robots”, but in reality Boston Dynamics is much more than that.
Its robotics work is at the forefront of the technology creating the self-proclaimed “most advanced robots on Earth” particularly focused around self-balancing humanoid or bestial robots.
Funding for the majority of the most advanced Boston Dynamics robots comes from military sources, including the US Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency (Darpa) and the US army, navy and marine corps. The terms of contracts currently held by Boston Dynamics with military bodies are unknown, althoughGoogle has committed to honouring existing contracts, including recent $10.8m funding from Darpa.

What else has Google got?

Boston Dynamics is not the only robotics company Google has bought in recent years. Put under the leadership of Andy Rubin, previously Google's head of Android, the search company has quietly acquired seven different technology companies to foster a self-described “moonshot” robotics vision.
The acquired companies included Schaft, a small Japanese humanoid robotics company; Meka and Redwood Robotics, San Francisco-based creators of humanoid robots and robot arms; Bot & Dolly who created the robotic camera systems recently used in the movie Gravity; Autofuss an advertising and design company; Holomni, high-tech wheel designer, and Industrial Perception, a startup developing computer vision systems for manufacturing and delivery processes.
Sources told the New York Times that Google’s initial plans are not consumer-focused, instead aimed at manufacturing and industry automation, although products are expected within the next three to five years.
Rubin, before making Android into a mobile powerhouse, started life as a robotics engineer at Zeiss. He has now convinced Google founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page to fund a commercial robotics venture, something Rubin has been mulling for some 10 years.

Robotic cars

Google is no stranger to robots. Its robotic car project, which kicked off in 2009, is one of the leaders in the field. It currently has a fleet of at least 10 converted Toyota Priuses, which have covered more than 300,000 miles on Californian roads without incident.
The robotic cars have roof-mounted cameras and sensors that monitor the road ahead and its surroundings, building a 3D model of the route and navigating obstacles.
In 2012, a blind man names Steve Mahan was allowed behind the wheel of a Google self-driving car in Morgan Hill, California.


Presently, most of these robots are controlled externally and don't demonstrate any real intelligence. But when combined with the AI systems now rapidly exploding in complexity and intelligence -- Ray Kurzweil insists AI systems will be smarter than humans by 2029 -- you have the perfect recipe for a walking, thinking, calculating "Terminator" robot that's ready to commit mass genocide against humanity.



Who will control these robots? Google, of course, the same corporation that spies on all your email, searches and web surfing behavior. Google is now being called the "evil empire" of the modern world, and many are convinced the corporation intends to pursue an agenda of global domination at every level: technology, social engineering, robotics and militarization.




Humanity's defense: Guns and EMP

What is humanity's defense against the rise of the robots? Firearms and EMP weapons, it turns out. Making robots bulletproof is very difficult to achieve, as they would become too heavy to carry out their tasks with efficiency. While robots could be outfitted with Kevlar vests, there are more than enough sniper rifles in the hands of everyday Americans -- especially across the hunting industry -- to take out millions of robots with high-velocity rounds and long ranges.



EMP weapons, too, can disable robots unless they are hardened against EMP attacks. EMP weapons were depicted in The Matrix sci-fi film as a key weapon against the search-and-destroy "Squiddies" that stalked humans and destroyed their transport craft. In order to survive for the long term, humans would have to seek out and destroy the robotfactories that keep churning out the Terminators. They might also cut off the supply of power or raw materials to the factories by sabotaging supply lines.



In the original Terminator film, future humans managed to invent a time machine that could send a naked human into the past to reshape the course of events. Kyle Reese was transported to 1984 -- a year of really bad punk fashion -- to protect future military leader John Conner, who was being hunted by a Terminator also sent back in time.



While Google hasn't yet created a time machine, it's getting frighteningly close to the Terminator android robots depicted in the film of the same name. Once achieved, this willgive a corporation the military might of the Pentagon. Essentially, Google would be the first corporation in the world to raise its own private combat army.



Survival of the human race may soon depend on humanity's ability to disable or destroy armies of corporate-controlled robots programmed to terminate human life. Don't search for how to accomplish this on Google.com, or you will be scheduled for termination.


RHex Rough-Terrain Robot


Petman Tests Camo



Introducing WildCat


7/18/2013

تجميع مواقف ووقائع لمؤيدى وقيادات اخوان تحريضا وعنفا واستقواء بالخارج خلال احداث عزل #مرسى #مصر

 هنا تم تجميع مواقف متعددة لمؤيدى المعزول وقياداتهم تظهر فيها دعوات وتحريض واضح للعنف والاقتتال الاهالى بالفيديو مع مصدر كل دعوة .. تليها دعوات التدخل الدولى فى مصر ثم الاستقواء بعناصر من خارج مصر ثم الدعوات للانشقاق داخل الجيش المصرى ودعمه بكل السبل .. وبعد ذلك مشاهد لحيازة اسلحة نارية مع المؤيدين واستخدامها ضد المتظاهرين .. وفى النهاية تجميع لمواقف استفزاز المعارضين من كل الفئات وسحلهم والتنكيل بهم فى الشارع ..











عاصم عبد الماجد يهدد ويحرض علي الجيش المصري من منصة رابعه العدوية‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
صفوت حجازى عن 30 يونيو- اللى يرش مرسى بالمية نرشه بالدم‎  – 18 يونيو 2013
‫صفوت حجازي- سنخرج مرسي وهناك خطوات تصعيدية ضخمة لا يتخيلها أحد‎ – 5 يوليو 2013
‫صفوت حجازي ود. محمد بلتاجي ويتحدثون مع قيادات في القوات المسلحة‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
كلمة البلتاجي بعد وصوله إلى الحرس الجمهوري‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
‫مانشيت- تصريحات وتهديدات البلتاجي عن العمليات الإرهابية في سيناء‎  – 8 يوليو 2013
‫-فضيحة- البلتاجي يتحدث لأول مرة بعد عزل مرسي مش هتصدق قال ايه – 5 يوليو 2013
البلتاجي على منصة رابعه يدعو الجميع الى القتال والاستشهاد ويسب في الجيش والثوار‎ – 1 يوليو 2013
أحمد منصور بيقول لازم نخدع الشعب تانى بأهداف 25 يناير عشان ينزل معانا ضد الجيش – 9 يوليو 2013
‫يقين – يا سيسي انت صنعت طالبان وتنظيم للقاعدة جديد في مصر – معتصمي رابعة العدوية‎  – 4 يوليو 2013
حرق سيارة شرطة من الاخوان فى سيناء ويعترفون انهم وراء جميع الاعمال الارهابية 5/7/2013
سيدة إخوانية “حرب من المسلمين هتقوم ومش هنسيب حقنا”
توزيع الأموال على الاخوان بشوارع رابعه العدويه الجانبيه
من واقعة خطاب المرشد
بديع مرشد الاخوان يدخل الى رابعه العدويه بالنقاب‎ – 5 يوليو 2013 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ehfkwH9B-Q
بديع – مهدي عاكف رضي الله عنه وأرضاه‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1qqe-kPq1DU
***
الدعوة للتدخل الدولى
فيديو صفوت حجازي بعد عزل مرسي‎  – 4 يوليو 2013
‫الاخوان يطالبون الامم المتحدة بحمايتهم في مصر‎  – 8 يوليو 2013
علنا في رابعة العدوية – الإخوان يطالبون بالتدخل الأمريكي في مصر – 8 يوليو 2013
***
استعانة بعناصر من خارج مصر
صباح ON- قوات أمن الدقهلية تلقي القبض على عراقي أثناء اعتدائه على معارضي المعزول‎  – 6 يوليو 2013
‫شاب سوري يعترف أنه يتقاضي 500 ج في اليوم مقابل إطلاق النار على المتظاهرين‎  – 6 يوليو 2013
عمرو اديب القبض على سورى ممول للاشتباك مع معارضين مرسى وحراس المرشد من كتائب القسام القاهرة اليوم‎  – 30 يونيو 2013
القبض على عناصر فلسطينية ببطاقات رقم قومي مصرية بسيناء‎  – 8 يوليو 2013
فيديو القبض علي عناصر حماس المسلحه‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
‫القفاص- القبض على قناص مصرى وأربعة فلسطينيين من حماس أمام -الإرشاد-‎ 30 يونيو 2013
***

 
 محاولة شق الجيش ودعم الانشقاق
كذب الاخوان على انشقاق جنود الجيش‎ – 7 يوليو 2013
‫قائد الجيش الثاني الميداني- من المستحيل أن أنشق عن الجيش ومستعد أن أموت من أجل الوطن‎ – 4 يوليو 2013
القبض على اخواني يرتدي ملابس عسكرية‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
انشقاق ضابط جيش وانضمامه لمؤيدى مرسى‎  – 6 يوليو 2013
‫انشقاق عقيد شرطة وانضمامة لأعتصام رابعة‎  – 7 يوليو 2013
انضمام احد ظباط الجيش للمؤيدين للرئيس مرسي في المنيا :: السبت 6 يوليو
***
حيازة اسلحة نارية
‫الإخوان يطلقون الرصاص من بنادق آلية على أهالي بين السريات‎
فيديو يكشف اعتداءات الاخوان بالسلاح علي المتظاهرين في سيدي جابر 5-7-2013‎
صورة قناص بالالى فوق مقر الاخوان بسيدى جابر
صورة اخوانى يحمل سلاح بسيدى جابر
‫‫ رجل غامض يوزع السلاح الآلى خلف سور جامعة القاهرة‎  – 3 يوليو 2013
‫الاخوان يطلقون الرصاص على بعضهم ويتهمون الجيش فى القتل 5_7_2013‎
ضرب بالخرطوش من جانب مؤيدين الرئيس الارهابي في المنيا (2 / 7 / 2013)
المنيا | لحظة اطلاق الخرطوش من مؤيدين الريس أثناء الاشتباكات مع المعارضين – 2 يوليو 2013
مسلحون ملثمون في وسط قيادات الاخوان المسلمين بحوش عيسى أحداث 30 -6-2013
لحظة اطلاق الاخوان النار علي متظاهر بالتحرير‎ – 5 يوليو 2013
بالفيديو .. إطلاق رصاص حي على المتظاهرين من داخل مقر جماعة الإخوان المسلمين بالمقطم‎
‫إطلاق الرصاص الحى والملوتوف من داخل مكتب الإرشاد‎
صورة السلاح فى ايدى مؤيدى المعزول قبيل اشتباكات المنيل
صورة لمجموعة من الملتحين بفيصل ، وبيد أحد منهم سلاح آلى ويطلق الرصاص على آخرين
صورة مؤيد يحمل سلاحا خلال اشتباكات الجيزة – 2 يوليو 2013
‫التليفزيون المصري يذيع لقطات أخرى لـ«اشتباكات الحرس الجمهوري»‎ – 8 يوليو 2013
‫الأمن يعثر على أسلحة نارية وبيضاء مع المعتدين على دار الحرس الجمهوري‎ – 8 يوليو 2013
صفوت حجازى فى حيازته سلاح نارى تحت ملابسه
من داخل اعتصام رابعه وصورة لأحد الاشخاص يحمل قنبله يدويه في يده – 13 يوليو 2013
ضبط 3 قنابل يدوية وطلقات آلية بحوزة 6 عناصر إخوانية بمحيط “الحرس – خبر بتاريخ 13 يوليو 2013″
http://www.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=1159519
حبس 6 أعضاء بالإخوان عثر بحوزتهم على 3 قنابل يدوية بمدينة نصر – خبر لنفس الواقعة بتاريخ 13 يوليو 2013
قنبلة يدوية الصنع يلقيها انصار مرسى على قوات الجيش بالسويس‎ – 5 يوليو 2013
صورة للقنابل التي ألقاها المجرمون مؤيدو المخلوع مرسي على قوات الجيش في السويس – 5 يوليو 2013
شاهد عيان: ملتحيان القيا قنبلة يديوية على معتصمى بورسعيد – 28 يونيو 2013
القبض على منقبة تحمل السلاح بسيدى جابر على يد الشرطة‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
القبض على احد اعضاء الاخوان داخل مديرية أمن الاسكندرية متخفيا في زي “منتقبة” و معه سلاح ناري و سلاح ابيض
القبض على أعضاء من الإخوان المسلمين بالإسكندرية وبحوزتهم أسلحة نارية
القبض علي احد الاخوان وبحوزته سلاح ناري عند مقر الاخوان بسيدي جابر 28\6\2013
القبض على ستة أشخاص يحملون سلاح ألى من انصار الرئيس المعزول محمد مرسى باسيوط‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
‫القبض علي عنصر من الاخوان يحمل سلاحا في العجوزة والأهالي يعتدون عليه بالضرب‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
بالصور..القبض على تاجر ومهندس من الإخوان وبحوزتهما 15 قنبلة يدوية وخرطوش – خبر بتاريخ 5 يوليو 2013
 القبض على 3 اعضاء بحوزتهم اسلحة نارية داخل مقر قياديين للإخوان بالغربية – خبر بتاريخ 7 يوليو 2013
حرق سيارة تحمل اسلحة وجوازات سفر للإخوان بالمنيل‎  – 7 يوليو 2013
***
استفزاز وسحل معارضين
 
‫الاخوان يحاولون تحطيم اوتوبيس عليه عبارة ارحل‎  – 1 يوليو 2013
‫الجزيرة- انشقاق ضباط جيش وانضمامهم لمؤيدى مرسى‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
‫‫‫ مؤيدو المعزول يعتدون علي مسيرة الحجاز المتجهة للاتحادية‎  – 7 يوليو 2013
‫يهتف ضد الاخوان فيسحلونه‎ – 25 يونيو 2013
انصار مرسي يسبون المواطنين في رمسيس – 12 يوليو 2013
 سحل ظابط جيش وعسكرى على كوبرى الجامعة على يد مؤيدى مرسي‎  – 4 يوليو 2013
الأخوان يسحلون ضابط شرطة أمام جامعة القاهرة‎  – 2 يوليو 2013
فيديو شهادة عمرو صلاح احد الأطفال الناجين من المذبحة حول محاولة قتله وتقطيع  الأخوان لأصابعه وهم يهللون الله اكبر
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=Fj66YaZBAto
فيديو شهادة والد الطفل الذي القاه الأخوان من اعلي ثم قتلوه
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_NrEDUhBYR0&feature=youtu.be
الناجي الوحيد من مجزرة ذبح الأطفال بسيدي جابر‎
سحل شباب المعارضة فوق سطح مقر حزب الحرية والعدالة فى حوش عيسى – 30 يونيو 2013
الاخوان يسحلون معارض ل مرسي ويحطمون رأسه في عبد المنعم رياض
طفل يروي واقعة تعذيبه من أنصار مرسي تحت منصة «النهضة» – 11 يوليو 2013
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8xq9MLCAAXs&feature=youtube_gdata_player
معتصمو -جامعة القاهرة- يمنعون أمين شرطة من مرور الشارع‎  – 6 يوليو 2013
‫ إخوانى يحاول استفزاز ضابط جيش يحمى اعتصام رابعة العدوية‎  – 6 يوليو 2013
‫ ‫الاعتداء علي قبطي في اعتصام رابعة‎  – 8 يوليو 2013
‫ ‫آمين شرطة يروي للبديل إختطافه وتعذيبه ونجاته من القتل علي يد الاخوان‎ – 9 يوليو 2013
 ضابط شرطة يروى واقعة تعذيبه علي يد معتصمي «رابعة»‎  – 2 يوليو 2013
مستور محمد سيد ضحية تعذيب على يد مليشيات الاخوان داخل مخيمات خصصوها للتعذيب‎  – 5 يوليو 2013
أحد النشطاء يروي واقعة اعتداء أنصار المعزول عليه في رابعة العدوية وقتل زميله
وفاة مواطن وإصابة آخر بجروح خطيرة بعد تعرضهم للتعذيب في “رابعة”
إصابة حسن نافعة بعد اعتداء مؤيدي مرسى عليه بمحيط مبنى ماسبيرو‎
مصور صحفي يروى شهادته- أنصار مرسي حاولوا قتلي في بين السرايات‎
السادة المحترمون: شهادة مصور صحفي وأمين شرطة بعد اختطافهم وتعذيبهم من قبل الإخوان

7/03/2013

#Egypt's Revolution II #July3 #Tahrir #UPDATED #June30

The army's deadline to the political powers or rather the Muslim brotherhood will be and it will force its own road map on everybody.
Today is extremely important thus I will use again live blogging once again to keep with what taking place in the country.

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4/18/2013

Yemen’s Southern Intifada #yemen

In early February, a car made its way along the winding road from the southern Yemeni port city of Aden to Dhale, a dusty mountain town of traditional mud-brick houses. As the car sped toward its destination, the flags and checkpoints increased in regularity with every passing mile.
Yemen's flag is made up of three horizontal stripes of red, white, and black. Those flying from the rooftops along the roadside sported an additional blue triangle dotted with a single red star. The flags, a remnant of the south's independent past, are a symbol of defiance; the checkpoints, manned by soldiers from Yemen's north, a source of simmering tension.
"See," said Fatima, an Adeni college professor, as the car stopped at yet another checkpoint so that a uniformed youth, his cheek bulging with the narcotic qat leaf and an AK-47 casually slung across his shoulder, could take a look inside. "How can they say that this is not an occupation?" 
On the outskirts of Dhale, the military checkpoints came to a sudden halt. The government had no jurisdiction beyond the town's borders. At the top of a hill in the center of Dhale, Shalal Ali Shaye'a, a top leader in Dhale of Hirak, squinted into the sun. "Look," he said, pointing to another blue-triangled flag painted onto the mountainside opposite him. "This is the free south."
----
Shaye'a is a leading member of one of the more radical factions of Hirak al-Janoubi ("the southern movement," better known in Yemen as Hirak), a loose coalition of southern rights groups formed in Yemen in 2007. Since a popular uprising unseated former President Ali Abdullah Saleh -- a hated figure for many southerners -- in 2011, secessionist sentiment has been on the rise in the south and the pro-independence wing of Hirak has been gaining confidence. While politicians and diplomats in the northern capital of Sanaa have been focused on the peace plan that led to Saleh's ouster, Shaye'a and his cohort have been planning their "peaceful intifada" which they hope will end with talks in Geneva, an end to the checkpoints, and the arrival of U.N. peacekeepers.
But if recent events are anything to go by, southerners' attempts to extricate themselves from their two decade-old union with the north could prove to be a messy affair. Tensions between Hirak and the government had been rising for months when, on February 20, security forces raided the Aden home of Qasem Asker Jubran, Yemen's onetime ambassador to Mauritania, now a committed secessionist. Juran was arrested, accused of planning to disrupt "by any means possible" a rally planned for the next day by Islah (Yemen's biggest Islamist party) to celebrate the first anniversary of the man who replaced Saleh as president, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi. Over the next week, Hiraki protesters clashed again and again with security forces. By the end of February, members of the southern movement estimated that up to 20 of their number had died in the violence, while the Islah's party headquarters in the southern city of Mukalla had been set on fire in just one of a series of attacks on northern political parties and businesses.
----
Dhale and nearby Radfan hold an important place in Hiraki and southern mythology. It was in Habilayn, a village in Radfan, that British troops shot and killed seven men in October 1963, sparking the uprising that ended British rule in the south. The revolt was launched from the craggy, volcanic mountains of Dhale, and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), the socialist state that succeeded the British, populated its military with men from the area.
In 1990, bankrupted by the fall of the Soviet Union and a bloody 1986 civil war, the PDRY merged with its northern neighbor, the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), led by Saleh. But four years later Ali Salem al-Beidh, the PDRY leader who took the south into the unity deal, declared the foundation of a new state, the Democratic Republic of Yemen. Southerners had complained of an unequal partnership and of a campaign of assassinations targeting their leaders since the north-south merger. Fed up after a series of inconsequential talks, they had decided to quit the union. 
The militaries of the PDRY and YAR, which were not integrated after unity, went to war. Dhale was a key battleground during the fighting, which the northerners won, backed by tribal militias, mujahedeen recently returned from Afghanistan, and even former PDRY soldiers who defected after a bloody civil war in the south in 1986.
Many southern officers and civil servants, including Shaye'a, were forced into early retirement after the war, and most accounts of the life in the south after1994 run down similar lines: of northern tribal, military, and economic interests taking over vast swathes of land and businesses; of soaring unemployment among southerners while northerners arrived to take juicy government jobs; and of brutal repression of any kind of secessionist sentiment or expression of southern identity.
"Before unity," Shaye'a said, "I was a student at military college. I graduated in 1990, into unity. I practiced for a few years and then the war started. They kicked all our soldiers out, and I fled. I came back six months later. After they kicked us out, we lived in a miserable situation."
In 2006, former military officers from the region began to organize protests at home and in Aden over low pensions and lack of jobs. A year later, Hirak was formed as an umbrella organization to bring together the plethora of southern rights movements that had sprung up since 1994. Today, it is made up of around seven major groups and many more splinter organizations, loosely formed around the Supreme Council of the Southern Movement, led by Hassan Baoum, a popular pro-independence activist.          
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Hirakis are not just disappointed former government workers. Many of the group's most vocal supporters are so young that they cannot remember life before unity. At one of the weekly marches the group holds in Crater, a volcanic outcrop of the Shamsan mountain which towers over Aden, Nour, 20, tried to explain her involvement in the movement.  
"I was born inside unity; I don't like it. I want separation," she said. "It is unfair. I don't like the poverty. I want to get back the country. We need to support the demonstrations."
Unemployment is a big issue for young southerners like Nour. Even those who do not actively support Hirak believe that the best state jobs go to the friends and families of Sanaa's political elite. This is frustrating and baffling to those who believe that most of the country's resources are located in the south -- two of Yemen's biggest oil fields are to be found in the former PDRY, while Aden was once one of the busiest ports in the world. 
Other Hirakis have only recently come around to the secessionists' way of thinking. "I am from those who wanted to correct the road of the unity," said Nasser Mohamed Al-Khubaji, one of Hirak's top leaders in Lahj, as he reclined in the cushioned mafraj of his simple home in Radfan in mid-February. "I thought we could do something through parliament. But when we took up the case of the south, we faced aggression. People became angry with us."
Al-Khubaji quit parliament after the 2007 shooting of southerners preparing for a rally to celebrate the anniversary of the revolt against the British by the central security forces. As a member of parliament for Lahj governorate, he had taken part in the preparations. "When we were preparing for our revolutionary activities, the military from the north came. They killed four and injured 20," he said. The opportunity for negotiation with the north died then, he said: "The time was over for talk."
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If Nour had been born to the north, she would probably have taken part in the protest movement that unseated Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2011, voicing frustrations about Yemen's northern elite similar to those heard across the south. But like many Hirakis, after initially supporting the revolution she came to see it as a largely northern affair.
Yemen's 2011 uprising started as a nonviolent movement in the big northern cities of Taiz and Sanaa. But it soon descended into a violent elite power struggle, fought between military units loyal to Saleh and his son Ahmed Ali; those with ties to the powerful general and former Saleh ally Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, and militias loyal to the tribal leaders and brothers Hamid and Sadeq al-Ahmar.
The deal brokered by members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to end the fighting in November 2011 was an elite peace accord, Nour said, not a solution to southerners' problems -- the GCC deal explicitly references the problems in the south, but does not go far enough toward addressing southern grievances for many Hirakis. "I don't care about 2011; that was just a fight between Ali Abdullah Saleh and Hamid al-Ahmar," she said. "It has nothing to do with the south."
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Yet if foreign diplomats involved in brokering the accord are to be believed, the GCC deal presents a unique opportunity for southerners, in the form of a much-vaunted national dialogue conference. The deal's brokers have effectively staked Yemen's future on the dialogue's success and President Hadi has said that the country could descend into civil war if it fails.
During six months of talks, which are due to start on March 18, the conference's organizers hope that working groups will be able to draft a new constitution and discuss solutions to the country's many problems, including the "southern question" as it is often described in Sanaa. Delegations from Yemen's many fissiparous factions have been invited to the conference and Hirak has been offered the second-biggest allotment of seats, 85 in total. Yet for many Hirakis, the conference is a non-starter.
Despite diplomats' best efforts to convince them that attending the talks is in their best interests, a number of Hiraki groups have said that they will not go to the dialogue. Most vocal in rejecting the talks have been factions linked to Baoum and al-Beidh, one of the main architects of unity in 1990 and, since 1994, one of its biggest critics. They want bilateral negotiations between the north and the south over separation, not to discuss the shape of the unified state.
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Other southern movement leaders are more open to the idea of the talks. In March 2012 Mohamed Ali Ahmed, the former governor of Abyan governorate, returned to Aden after nearly two decades in exile in Britain. Diplomats overseeing the GCC deal, who describe him as a moderate, say that he has become a key point of contact in Hirak. Speaking at his home in Aden in February, he told Foreign Policy that he would go to the dialogue even though Hadi is yet to meet a series of demands that he helped southerners to formulate in 2012 as a precondition to taking part in the conference.
"We will go so that the international community does not say that southerners do not cooperate," he said. "We cannot ignore the international community. We will [get our demands] from the inside. We cannot ignore the will of the people, but we want to use peaceful means."
Ali Ahmed believes the creation of a two-state federal union between the north and south followed by a referendum after five years could be the best path to independence, an idea first floated by Hirakis in 2009. But the al-Beidh factions of Hirak, many who mutter that Ali Ahmed is working for Hadi to maintain rather than end unity, has become increasingly hard line.
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The differences between al-Beidh and Ali Ahmed run deep -- much deeper than mere strategy. On January 13, 1986, the bodyguards of then-President Ali Nasser Mohammed opened fire on a meeting of the PDRY's politburo. Former associates say that he hoped to consolidate his power by assassinating the leaders of a faction loyal to his predecessor, Abdul Fattah Ismail, who was killed soon after the fighting started. But Ismail loyalists led by al-Beidh gained the upper hand in the ensuing civil war and after a month of fighting Mohammed fled to the north along with tens of thousands of his followers. Among those who fled north with him were Ali Ahmed and Hadi -- Yemen's current president.
Hirak's leadership has worked in recent years to reconcile the differences between the Toghma -- the winners of the 1986 war -- and the Zomra -- Nasser Mohammed's "desperate band" of followers -- hoping that the common goal of independence will be enough to patch over past rivalries and resentments. Since 2009, Hirak has held reconciliation marches every January 13 to mark the anniversary of the civil war. The 2013 rally was the biggest ever, according to the local Yemen Post. A number of Hirakis, who see the march as a watershed moment for the independence movement, claim that one million people attended (more reliable estimates run to the tens of thousands). But many Toghma still view their Zomra counterparts with suspicion. Some of the bloodiest fighting during the 1986 war occurred between militias loyal to Ali Ahmed and Baoum in Abyan; Shaye'a still recalls how his father, ministry of interior at the time, was killed by Nasser Mohammed's men at the January 1986 politburo meeting.
Hirak is unified in its quest for independence, said Jubran, who is widely seen as al-Beidh's man in Aden (the former president lives in exile in Beirut) during an interview at his home in the southern capital a week before he was arrested. "There are a lot of disputes between the different parties of Hirak," he said. "But the main goal is freedom. We are unified. In some other parties they want five years and a referendum but they will not prevail. When we got independence in 1967 no one told us to make freedom or a referendum and we don't need a referendum now."
"Ninety-nine percent" of southerners are behind the al-Beidh faction of Hirak, Jubran argued. While this figure is likely some way off -- and a of number Hirakis say that they support the equally pro-independence Baoum, who is based in Yemen, rather than Beirut-bound al-Beidh -- it is fair to say that a growing number of southerners are falling in behind the two men's uncompromising approach. And at rallies across the country, it is al-Beidh's image that is most visible on placards and banners. In Dhale and Lahj it is not uncommon to hear him described as "the president," a title he still bestows upon himself. Analysts estimate that support for the al-Beidh and Ahmed factions is split about 70 to 30 among Hirakis.
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Some southerners had hoped that the northern revolution would lead to improvements in life in the former PDRY, and worried that independence would require a long, potentially bloody, and hugely costly struggle. Others thought that having Hadi, a southerner, as president might see Hirak treated with more leniency and were encouraged when the huge reconciliation march in January was allowed to pass unmolested. But the violence in February proved a tipping point for even more moderate southerners.
"I don't support Hirak, I am not a Hiraki," said Anas, a young southern woman who lives in Aden, in March. "But I no longer support unity either."
Perhaps sensing the direction in which popular opinion is going, southern movement leaders who had previously expressed willingness to compromise have also been taking a more combative stance of late. In February, Haydar al-Attas, prime minister of Yemen's first unity government, said that he would reject an invitation to the dialogue and demanded that Jamal Benomar, the U.N. envoy to Yemen, oversee a referendum on independence.
"In the end, they will all come around to our way of thinking or they will not matter," said one al-Beidh aligned Hiraki leader in response to the news. Ali Ahmed, who is not as widely popular as Baoum and al-Beidh, could lose the chance of a future role in the south if he attends the talks, he added.
Many southerners are skeptical of the international community's intentions meanwhile. At the Crater march, Mohamed, a pro-independence activist, could barely contain himself. "Where is the international community in all of this?" he asked, an often-repeated refrain at the march. "Where are our rights? In the north, they fought for one year, people were killed, and the international community gave them their peace. The northerners have dominated us, killed us, stolen from us since unity. Where is our dialogue with the north? We have been fighting for 20 years, but still they ignore us."
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Thus far, the southern movement has been largely peaceful -- surprisingly so, given the availability of arms in Yemen and the number of disaffected, unemployed young men in the south. The leaders of even its more radical factions say that they are committed to peaceful protest, and while violence flared up in February, it did not boil over into the kind of devastating armed conflict seen in the north during 2011.
But a number of questions about Hirak's more extreme wing remain to be answered, not least its commitment to a nonviolent struggle. While Hiraki activists at marches like those in Crater are unarmed, and it is easy to believe people like Nour when she expresses her commitment to a peaceful uprising, al-Beidh's arm of Hirak has been accused on a number of occasions of building its own militia, and has recently been linked with arms shipments from Iran. Clashes have broken out between Hirak-aligned armed groups and government troops in recent years, many of them in Dhale and Lahj, a stronghold for the al-Beidh faction.
It is particularly hard to reconcile Shaye'a with the idea of Hirak's peaceful intifada. A number of Yemeni analysts say that he is one of the leaders of "The Movement for Self Determination," or Hatam, a militia formed after the civil war which has fought with the Yemeni military on a number of occasions in the past. In October 2010, a bomb placed outside of Al-Wahda Sports Club in Aden killed four people. The attack was blamed on Hatam, which planned to disrupt an upcoming football tournament, and Hirak. The government named Shaye'a as the ringleader of the group that planned the blast -- a charge he denies. "They are willing to say anything about the southern people," he said. "It is far from my peaceful revolution. I love sports." 
Shaye'a remained tightlipped as to whether Hirak has armed militias in and around Dhale, but when he left his home, he clambered into a battered Toyota pickup, armed gunmen -- one man wielding a rocket-propelled grenade launcher -- bouncing in the back as the truck wound its way along the dirt road. Earlier, he had explained why he lived in Dhale rather than Aden.
"We started here, in Dhale and in Radfan, because we were safe here," Shaye'a said. "Here, all the people are active with Hirak. Most of our army who were kicked out of their jobs came from here. Most of the military forces who were retired came from here. Here, the community helped us to start out activities. They were ready. The occupation forces were here -- there was action and there was reaction."
Al-Khubaji, Hirak's man in Lahj, agreed that his area was under Hiraki control but disagreed that the movement's success in the area had been achieved through force. Hirak has spent much of the past six years building a parallel state structure, providing public goods to residents of the area, he said. "Most of our work is in enhancing administrative and regulatory capacities," he said. "Politically the governorate is under the rule of Hirak. But we are under occupation. Before us, the courts were full of cases. Now, we have the councils of Hirak to solve problems. We even solve security problems. I would say that 90 percent of Lahj is under Hirak control. The occupation forces are still here; here, but not in control."
But few moments later, he added a familiar caveat. "Our movement is to get separation peacefully," he said. "But I cannot guarantee that other interests and movements will not take action. We insist on a peaceful movement. But we will not discourage anyone who wants to take this path." 
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It might not be long before it becomes apparent how, exactly, Shaye'a, Jubran, and others plan to move forward. Jubran -- who was freed in late February having declared his commitment to peaceful protest -- ended his interview with the promise that by the 20th anniversary of the south's last attempt at separation, it would be an independent state once again. "On 21 May 2013, you will see," he said. "The peaceful intifada will begin." 
Within a year, he said, it would all be over.